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...terms were tactless. Cheney and Wolfowitz were told to tone them down. But from his perch at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, where he waited out the Clinton years, Wolfowitz continued to talk and write about Iraq. Like a traveler struggling to keep his campfire burning amid chilly winds, he took every chance to stoke the fire, reminding all who would listen that there was unfinished business on the Tigris, that Saddam remained in power and still had his weapons. In 1997, as Clinton's policy on Iraq lurched from crisis to crisis--with U.N. weapons inspectors...
Those experiences taught Saddam that politics was a no-holds-barred struggle for survival amid a ceaseless threat of plots, feuding and betrayal. He rose swiftly in the Baath Party by specializing in the dirty work of security and soon turned himself into a shaqawah, or man to be feared. "He killed lots of people to get to the top," says Con Coughlin, author of a recent Saddam biography, all the while knowing that "they could get to the top by killing him." According to another biographer, London professor Efraim Karsh, Saddam once told a visitor he could see betrayal...
...airport--McCoy would later describe it as "brutal"--was over. Before they fled, the Iraqis had set fire to the airport administration building and had strewn the runway with debris to prevent U.S. planes from using it. All that remained was a statue of a waving Saddam standing forlornly amid the wreckage...
...devastating to the U.S. economy and to our armed forces as they tried to control a "liberated" Iraq. Not only would an occupation require large amounts of money, but it would also thin out American armed forces, taking them away from fronts that seem to be developing constantly. Amid rising tensions with North Korea and the constant threat of terrorist attacks, how would the military be able to operate the way it must if thousands of troops were in Iraq? DAN ROSEN Owings Mills...
...Viewers have seen frequent dispatches from a Chinese reporter on location in Baghdad, in-studio analysis from retired People's Liberation Army officers and unfiltered interpretation of statements from U.S. generals and even from President George W. Bush. The motivation? Same as in the rest of TV world: ratings. Amid fierce competition for viewers, channels are using the war to differentiate themselves. China's English-language channel, CCTV 9, which broadcasts to the mainland and abroad, has set its eyes on a larger market. "It's positioning itself as an alternative to Western and Arab media around the world," says...