Word: arabized
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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Although Nixon describes this as part of "a new policy on the part of the U.S. in assuming the initiative," the main U.S. thrust continues to be toward agreement between the U.S. and the Soviet Union on a solution to the Arab-Israeli impasse. Nixon's men also intend to make bilateral probes of French and British attitudes through their delegations at the U.N. When the four-power talks eventually take place, the U.S. wants to make sure that it does not find itself on the short end of a three-to-one international line-up over the Middle...
SINCE the Arab-Israeli war of 1967, the single most important element in Middle East peacemaking has been the attitude and policies of the U.S. Last week, 20 months after the war, Washington began a round of bilateral talks at the United Nations aimed at exploring common ground for a settlement. If that provided a sense of diplomatic movement at last, it was also a tacit admission that the Johnson Administration's policy of letting the two sides work out their differences themselves is no longer valid. For better or worse, the move committed the U.S. to the first...
...comfort from the avowed U.S. intention to bolster the mission of U.N. Special Representative Gunnar Jarring, and expected no change in Washington's support for a "contractual" rather than an "imposed" solution. But they did worry that the U.S. would seek to influence Israel to vacate the conquered Arab territories. "We may find ourselves faced by political pressures of a nature never encountered during the previous administrations," warned Israel's leading daily, Ha'aretz. "We had better be prepared to withstand it." For precisely the same reason, Arab countries welcomed Washington's more active role...
Palestinian Power. Negotiations are likely to be painfully slow, not only because of the vast gulf between the Arab and Israeli positions but also because of the sheer number of participants: the U.S., Russia, Britain, France, Israel, Egypt and Jordan, plus the U.N.'s Jarring. Yet the diplomats already face a stiff penalty for delay in the fast-rising political power of the one interest group that will not be represented, the Palestinian fedayeen commandos. In any settlement, the Israelis will insist that Arab governments curb fedayeen within their own borders, something that they are increasingly unable...
...about." But he complains, as does Scheer, that the magazine has paid dearly for its opinionated independence. Stories on Black Power, Barry Goldwater and the CIA all led to cancellations of advertising. So did an editorial that took an almost neutral, rather than pro-Israel stance on the Arab-Israeli war. "You have madness in publishing now," says Hinckle. "There is no relationship between the publisher and the reader. It's all between the publisher and the advertising agencies. The readers are there as consumer figures to be marketed and put together for the ad agencies. The readers...