Word: arabized
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Dates: during 1990-1999
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...traditionally shared with family and close friends, but at Mubarak's side were not only Jordan's King Hussein and Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat, but Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin as well. His inclusion was meant to show a new level of acceptance for Israel among the Arab leaders who have signed formal peace agreements with the country...
...Senior Arab officials believe the summit displayed the parties' solidarity and bolstered rather than pressured Rabin. These officials realize the Israeli leader needs help standing up to his own voters, who are increasingly unwilling to make deals with the Palestinians while Islamic terrorists continue to send suicide bombers to blow up Israelis...
...heading for the rocks over the steady expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, already home to 120,000 people. Though Rabin's Labor-led coalition pledged to ``freeze'' settlements upon taking office in 1992, the government actually plans to complete 30,000 additional housing units, prompting widespread Arab demonstrations and threats by Palestinian officials to quit the peace talks. Two weeks ago, the Israelis promised Arafat what Environment Minister Yossi Sarid called ``a very deep freeze, one with no nonsense.'' But after the Beit Lid massacre, the government approved the construction and sale of 4,000 units...
Worse than the blood-soaked statistics is the growing fear on both sides that nothing will improve. Palestinians and their Arab allies are increasingly persuaded that Israel has no intention of expanding self-rule in the Gaza Strip and Jericho to the rest of the West Bank. Planned Palestinian elections are six months overdue, and Israel has yet to move any of its occupying troops out of the territory. After Beit Lid, Arafat also blamed Palestinian militants for the delays. Said he: ``Every time we get nearer to retrieving in our hands the West Bank and extending the national authority...
Until there is a final settlement, Rabin's separation concept is decidedly one-sided. Though Israeli employers are loath to do without cheap Arab labor, the government wants to keep Palestinians out of Israel. Yet it wants to maintain Israeli settlers and--to protect them--Israeli soldiers in the West Bank and even in the Gaza Strip. That is unacceptable to Palestinian negotiators. Closing off Israel to Arab workers also deprives the Palestinians of $1 million in daily earnings. If international aid would stimulate the Palestinian economy enough to replace jobs lost in Israel, the principle of separation would become...