Word: authoritarian
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...Remember, he was tough. Very, very tough. Even the opposition respected him and understood this.'' So said former U.S. Ambassador to South Korea Richard Sneider last week about the man who made his poverty-afflicted country a model of economic development. Aloof, authoritarian and disdainful, Park Chung Hee demanded respect, not popularity. And that is what...
Increasingly arrogant and authoritarian, they wanted to make over America in their image-or else. "I simply could not recognize the country I lived in," writes Podhoretz. "At their worst, they sounded like people writing about a place they themselves had never actually seen or at least hardly knew." Beneath the surface of these fulminations, he adds, "there flowed a steady current of moral smugness and self-satisfaction ... Everything was simplified into slogans for shouting and chanting." At the height of the demonstrations at Berkeley in 1964, Podhoretz realized he must make a choice between "loyalty to radicalism as against...
When he visited Washington in 1969 for President Eisenhower's funeral, he was the center of attention. At the reception tendered by Nixon, other heads of government and Senators who usually proclaimed their antipathy to authoritarian generals crowded around him. One had the sense that if he moved to a window, the center of gravity might shift, and the whole room might tilt everybody into the garden...
...even Western Europe, for a long time to come. A purge was expected of secret police officials in charge of keeping the Bolshoi dancers in line, just as happened in 1961, after Nureyev's defection. Grigorovich was already vulnerable because of fierce opposition within the company to his authoritarian rule; the defection could only make his position worse. It was said that he had insisted on taking Godunov to the U.S., and that he had compounded his error by thrusting Kozlov forward. In Moscow, he had previously been attacked in Pravda by one of his dancers for tampering with...
...large part of the challenge is to distinguish between viable authoritarian regimes and ones that are doomed, especially among those the U.S. relies on to protect regional security. Where is the status quo best sustained, and where is it a lost cause? When should the U.S. stand by a client, despite his internal regime, and when should the U.S. begin to distance itself from him? In the context of statecraft, these questions are neither moralistic nor cynical. They are a matter of differentiating between those with whom the U.S. must live and those who will try to cling...