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Plainly, Lindsay needed an extraordinary campaign organization. He got it, thanks to his own hardheaded analysis of the battlefield and the brilliant backroom masterminding of his campaign manager, Robert Price, 33, a blue-jowled, Rasputin-like Bronx Republican. G.O.P. Senator Jacob Javits, a magic name in New York's Jewish districts, came on as campaign chairman. Money flowed in from the Rockefeller family, New York Herald Tribune President Walter Thayer, and from purses farther west-notably from Tire Tycoon Leonard K. Firestone in California and Food Magnate H. J. Heinz II in Pittsburgh. In all, the Lindsay campaign cost...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: New York: Incitement to Excellence | 11/12/1965 | See Source »

...scandal deepened in October 1963, the Democratic leadership pushed through a measure that essentially shoved the case into an administrative backroom--the Senate Rules and Administration committee which had never before undertaken a major investigation. The committee usually oversees the Senate Restaurant, the Botanical Gardens, and the painting and statuary on the Hill. In committee, two major problems arose. Three of the Democratic members preferred to defer to a subcommittee headed by the less than energetic Carl Hayden. The chairman, B. Everett Jordan (D-N.C.) refused. Secondly, an impartial counsel had to be brought in from cutside the Senate...

Author: By Robert R. Bruce, | Title: School for Scandal | 12/11/1964 | See Source »

...facing the next Governor: governmental dishonesty. No one knows for sure the extent of corruption in Massachusetts politics. The present indictments are not tantamount to convictions. But at the very least it is obvious that the state's complex and archaic constitution has created a structure peculiarly susceptible to backroom dealings and factional quarrels. Both the truth and the legend of corruption have aggravated the fiscal crisis. Within the Department of Public Works, proven kickbacks and bribes have in the past wasted valuable tax revenue. More importantly, the image of corruption has frightened many industries from the Commonwealth...

Author: NO WRITER ATTRIBUTED | Title: Volpe--By Default | 10/27/1964 | See Source »

...Pocket. North Carolina Mutual had an uncertain beginning 65 years ago in the backroom of a Durham barbershop. Barber John Merrick, one of seven founders, got some useful advice from Tobacco Magnate Washington Duke (his family founded the American Tobacco Co.), who explained business practices while being shaved. But Duke's advice was of little help when the struggling company faced its first policyholder death: to cover the $10 payment due, the firm had only 290 cash on hand. Merrick and another backer dipped into their pockets for the difference, then shrewdly waved the widow's receipt around...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Insurance: The Negro Has the Same Risks | 2/7/1964 | See Source »

Leoni promises to carry on Betancourt's social and economic reforms, but he has little of Betancourt's magnetism. Dour, shrewd and sardonic, with little personal charm, he is more of a backroom politician than a stump-thumping vote getter. For that reason, many Venezuelans had hoped for a continuation of the joint front between A.D. and the Social Christian COPEI party led by Rafael Caldera, 47, an able and personable Caracas lawyer. A.D.'s insistence on Leoni, whom COPEI regards a party hack, diminishes the chance of a united democratic ticket against the left at election...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Venezuela: After Betancourt | 7/19/1963 | See Source »

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