Word: baraker
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...headed the Shin Bet's Gaza operations before he was chosen in 1995 to rebuild the organization's VIPprotection unit following the lapses that enabled an assassin to kill Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin that year. Dichter was promoted to the top job in 2000 by then Prime Minister Ehud Barak. When the intifadeh broke out five months into Dichter's five-year term, he initiated a string of high-profile counteroperations that impressed Sharon even before he became Prime Minister. To kill Hamas operatives, Dichter had his agents hide explosives in telephone booths and car-seat headrests; he pushed them...
...failure of previous cease-fire initiatives. It sought to strengthen the chances for a truce by tying a cease-fire directly to a quick and sure march towards Palestinian statehood along the lines envisaged in the final talks between the Palestinian Authority and the government of Ehud Barak in their final talks at Taba in January 2001. The U.S. participated in the "quartet" discussions that initially shaped the plan, but Washington moved closer to Sharon's efforts to seek a military victory and endorsed his positions demanding the sidelining of PA president Yasser Arafat as one of a number...
...Israeli hands. Sharon's aides explained his "occupation" remark as a reference to Israeli rule over Palestinian population centers, rather than to the lands conquered in 1967. In other words, whereas the Palestinians and most of the international community assume, in line with the final offer made by Ehud Barak shortly before Sharon's election, that the eventual borders of a Palestinian state will comprise most or all of the West Bank and Gaza, Sharon's vision of Palestine is considerably (in the cartographic sense) narrower. Not surprising, then, Israel's cabinet stopped short of endorsing the "roadmap" itself, instead...
...divide possibly even more profound than the standoff over security. The endpoint of the roadmap is a Palestinian state at peace with Israel. But the document provides no outline of the borders. For the Palestinians, a final peace agreement is based on the last one offered by Ehud Barak at the Taba talks in January 2001 - a Palestinian state in all, or almost all of the West Bank and Gaza, with its capital in East Jerusalem. Although Sharon has never put all his cards on the table, he's given plenty of indicators that in his vision, a Palestinian state...
...supported by most of the Palestinian legislature and by the sponsors of the road map (although the Bush administration will likely be internally divided over just where Israeli-Palestinian borders should be drawn). But Ariel Sharon was not party to the Taba talks (they were conducted by the Barak government shortly before his election), and had vociferously rejected even Barak's more limited offer at Camp David the previous summer. Although Sharon has spoken recently of the need for "painful concessions" to achieve peace, few Israeli analysts believe he is willing to go nearly as far as his predecessor. Which...