Word: beyer
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Dates: during 1990-1999
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...appear to be taking the bait. Israelis have become accustomed, since the Oslo Agreement came unstuck in 1996, to a permanent state of low-level crisis in their relations with the Palestinians. "For the voters, this election is not about the peace process," says TIME Jerusalem bureau chief Lisa Beyer. And that's left Netanyahu flailing...
While the prime minister struggles to ignite his campaign, Barak, under Carville's tutelage, is making hay of a hot-button domestic issue. "Barak has found his wedge in the seething resentment of Israel's huge Russian immigrant population," says Beyer. "Israel's big parties each have their long-established voting bloc, and those tend to cancel each other out. But although there are some core voters for the left and the right among the Russians, the majority can still go either...
...Netanyahu's cabinet, has campaigned aggressively against "religious coercion," channeling Russian rage against the Interior Ministry run by Shas -- an ultra-orthodox party, mostly consisting of Moroccan Jews, that is Netanyahu's key coalition partner. "The ministry has infuriated many Russians by challenging their claim to be Jewish," says Beyer. "Many Russian immigrants don't have 100 percent Jewish ancestry, and that causes them many problems in Israel in areas such as marriage and burial, even impinging on their right to bring over their families." Shas hasn't conceded an inch, insisting on the right of the ultra-orthodox...
...Friday that Netanyahu made the move knowing that likely Palestinian unrest in the heart of Jerusalem would work for him on the eve of Israel's election. "This may have created a very dangerous situation, but it's politically expedient for Netanyahu," says TIME Jerusalem bureau chief Lisa Beyer. "Denying a Palestinian political presence in Jerusalem will please his supporters, and any demonstrations in response could actually serve his political ends...
...Netanyahu's crackdown presents a complex challenge for Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. "A wave of protests on this issue would give Arafat an opportunity to rally his own supporters, who've had to accept some backing down over the promise to declare a Palestinian state on May 4," says Beyer. On the other hand, the reason for Arafat's soft-pedaling the statehood issue has been a desire to avoid stampeding Israeli voters to the right. "Clearly, Arafat wants to do whatever he can to ensure Netanyahu's defeat at the polls," says Beyer...