Word: bolshevik
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DMITRY POLYANSKY, 44, the youngest member of the Communist Party Presidium, was born in a Ukrainian peasant hut on the day of the Bolshevik Revolution (Nov. 7, 1917), attended the Central Committee Communist Party school, and became its star graduate when in 1958 he replaced Kozlov as premier of the Russian Soviet Republic, largest and richest of the 15 Soviet republics. Polyansky is loudly extraverted, urbanely intelligent, shrewdly aggressive-a combination of attributes matched only by Khrushchev himself. If Khrushchev should fall ill or die soon, Polyansky's youth would probably be a handicap, but if the succession struggle...
...Yuli Martov, a leader of the defeated Social Democrats, is in hiding. As he is cooking supper on a tiny stove, he is interrupted by Sofia Markovna, a secret emissary from Lenin. Martov and Lenin were once the closest friends when both were Social Democrats, but since Lenin turned Bolshevik and later seized power, Martov is Lenin's bitterest enemy. Whispers the messenger: kindly Lenin, taking pity on his old buddy, has arranged to whisk Martov out of town before he is arrested. A seat is waiting on the Minsk-Warsaw night express. Not even the Council of People...
...today, and who make up nearly a half of the Soviet Union's entire population, Stalinism is little more than a bad childhood memory. They have not been broken by the fear that haunts their fathers nor infected with the blind faith that guided some of their Bolshevik grandfathers. These youngsters have been called a lost generation. They could more fairly be called a seeking generation...
...themes he is faulted for wasting his lyric talent. The same ambivalence, he grins, marks Pushkin, his idol. His other heroes: Boris Pasternak; Hemingway, "my favorite prose writer by far"; Fidel Castro, whom he quotes gleefully as saying "Art should be free"; and Poet Vladimir Mayakovsky, the explosively original Bolshevik suicide who, like Evtushenko 30 years later, bitterly satirized the smug commissars of his time...
British diplomatic efforts in Moscow and British military forces in the outer provinces continually worked at cross-purposes--the former attempting to win over the Bolsheviks, the latter supporting anti-Bolshevik groups against the Germans. Suspicion between London and Washington was matched by suspicion between the British War Office and Bruce Lockhart, Lord Balfour's personal representative in Moscow. To top it off, British officers continually involved themselves in local politics, often with disastrous effect...