Word: bonde
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...still a virgin. My friends last year blamed it on the fact that I was the youngest girl on campus. But I can't see having intercourse unless it's part of a tight emotional bond. My father has influenced me, but the fact that he is a minister has nothing to do with it. The church is not a stronghold against sex any more...
...like public or private bureaucracy, and the whole trouble with left-wing movements is so much private bureaucracy." Nor has he limited his political practice (which earns him no more than about $30,000 a year) to left-wing cases. He also won the reinstatement of Julian Bond to the Georgia legislature, and he overturned the ban on Henry Miller's Tropic of Cancer...
McGovern was also swayed by strong supporters among Democratic leaders, like Frances ("Sissy") Farenthold of Texas and Matthew Troy Jr. of New York, who said loudly that they could not vote for the ticket if Eagleton stayed on it. Few took the issue as lightly as Julian Bond of Georgia: "At least we know ours had treatment. What about theirs?" Chicago Mayor Richard Daley was compassionate. "All of us are sick sometimes," he said. "Many people become seriously ill, but they come back and carry on their activities very successfully and capably." The underlying, widespread worry was whether Eagleton would...
Facelessness. More specifically, Dutton claims that suburbanites and union members now find a new bond in their common concern about "instability, facelessness and congestion" in U.S. society. "Psychic problems are rapidly outpacing economic concerns." The blue-collar workers are "increasingly young, black and female," he argues, and this means that "their concerns are not at all what George Meany thinks they are." Thus, despite the open animosity of AFL-CIO President Meany and other labor leaders, the McGovern staff feels that the Senator can attract rank and file worker support. Dutton also expects McGovern to tap sufficiently a general resentment...
...small troupe of men who supplied the powder for McGovern's bombshells so far have generally been a youngish, Ivy League crowd who have solid respect among their colleagues but are not widely known to laymen. Their strongest bond has been the noneconomic preoccupation of ending the war. Several worked for Robert Kennedy or Eugene McCarthy in 1968, and nearly all agreed to work for McGovern primarily because of his views on Viet Nam. On economic matters, they are considered advance-guard liberals who favor a steady and perhaps wrenching move toward economic equality. All zealously deny that either...