Word: bonne
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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There must be, there can be, and there will be negotiations between Bonn and East Berlin...
Calculated Risk. In an effort to assess the promises and perils of Brandt's Ostpolitik, TIME Associate Editor David Tinnin spent the past three weeks in Washington, Bonn, Berlin, Warsaw and Moscow. The following conclusions emerged...
...states in the areas of unrestricted travel and improved postal, telephone and cable communications, Brandt would be willing to grant, within the next 18 months, de jure recognition to the German Democratic Republic in all international affairs. Even so, he insists that in relations between the two German states, Bonn would never consider East Germany a foreign country and that East Germans always would share a common citizenship with West Germans...
...aims? In the Moscow negotiations, he hopes to achieve a nonaggression pact in which the Soviets will, in effect, renounce their rights as victors, under the Potsdam Agreement and United Nations Charter, to intervene in West Germany against a military or political threat. Though Soviet intervention may seem remote, Bonn would rest more easily if the Russians disclaimed those rights. In Warsaw, Brandt hopes to lay the foundation for the future establishment of full diplomatic recognition and stronger cultural and economic ties. But as Polish Foreign Minister Stefan Jedrychowski told Tinnin, Poland insists on a binding settlement of the Oder...
...speech after speech, Brandt stresses that his Ostpolitik begins in the West. "We are not marching out in front, as some people claim," he told Tinnin and Bonn Bureau Chief Benjamin Gate over a light Moselle in his house on Bonn's Venusberg. "We are only trying to catch up. Each of our allies has more normal relations with the East bloc than we have." Yet, as Brandt presses on with his Ostpolitik, he may indeed get far out in front of his allies. A key question is future U.S. troop strength. In his recent State of the World...