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More directly, Soviet Party Chief Leonid Brezhnev had sent Nixon a note that was described as "brutal" by Senator Henry ("Scoop") Jackson of Washington and by the President as a message that "left very little to the imagination as to what he intended." The note was kept secret, but TIME has learned that, instead of beginning in the usual diplomatic salutation "Dear Mr. President," it started out with a harsher "Mr. Nixon." It also threatened the "destruction of the state of Israel" by Soviet forces if Israel did not stop violating the cease-fire (see THE WORLD). One member...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: The Nation: Was the Alert Scare Necessary ? | 11/5/1973 | See Source »

...puzzle of Kissinger's somber press conference also remained. He described the U.S.-Russian confrontation as one that could still go either way. Yet Nixon in his press conference left the impression that he and Brezhnev had resolved the crisis during the night before Kissinger's appearance. In fact, soon after Kissinger had finished outlining the reasons for the U.S. alert, the Soviets approved a Security Council resolution for a U.N. force to police the ceasefire. Thus, Kissinger could be accused of being unduly alarmist in his televised appearance, if indeed he knew by then that the Russians...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: The Nation: Was the Alert Scare Necessary ? | 11/5/1973 | See Source »

...final complexity was added when Brezhnev intimated in a Moscow speech that the Administration had been spreading "fantastic rumors." Brezhnev's suggestion does not settle the matter, of course; Americans are not yet ready to accept the word of a Russian leader over an American President, no matter how much credibility Nixon has lost. It is very difficult for anyone without direct knowledge and responsibility in a crisis to judge those charged with the national defense...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: The Nation: Was the Alert Scare Necessary ? | 11/5/1973 | See Source »

...atmosphere as clear as possible, the Soviets kept their rhetoric purposely mild. Soviet publications made no effort to inflame domestic opinion against either Israel or the U.S. They did not portray the Israelis as having started the new war (the Arabs do) and did not criticize the U.S. airlift. Brezhnev declared that the fighting ought to be stopped quickly, that the U.S.S.R. would try to help bring that about, and that his nation recognizes Israel's right of existence as an independent state...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: DIPLOMACY: The Superpower Search for a Settlement | 10/29/1973 | See Source »

...view that the Soviet Union still places détente among its highest priorities, partly as a diplomatic weapon in its rivalry with China (unable to match the Soviet military contribution, China has had to settle so far with mere pronouncements of support to the Arabs). Moreover, Brezhnev's whole leadership rests on his détente policy, and there is no sign of any serious second thought or new resistance to this policy within the Kremlin. The Soviet need for American food and other trade is still great, and international agreements over nuclear weapons, the emplacement of military...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: DIPLOMACY: The Superpower Search for a Settlement | 10/29/1973 | See Source »

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