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...visibly active President. The other audience is the U.S.'s allies; the summits enable Nixon to assuage fears that he may make deals over the heads of the U.S.'s friends in Europe and Asia when he meets Chou En-lai in February and Leonid Brezhnev in May. "We are not going to Peking and Moscow as a broker for our allies," says White House Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler, "but we will have their views in mind as we formulate our positions." A State Department official points out that the meetings will "telegraph to the boys in Moscow...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: The Nation: The Meetings Are the Message | 12/20/1971 | See Source »

Nixon to give in and settle the crisis soon. But the two men share a deep mutual respect, and their session should be amiable. Nixon will be interested in Pompidou's impressions of Soviet Party Boss Leonid Brezhnev (tough, dogmatic, not at home in foreign affairs) and of his tour of Russia last year ("Ten days was certainly too much," Pompidou says. "Six at the most"). HEATH. In private, Britain's Tory Prime Minister Edward Heath has spoken acidly of Washington's role in the monetary crisis; he scoffs that the U.S. believes it still...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: The Nation: The Meetings Are the Message | 12/20/1971 | See Source »

Apparently, however, the issue did not even come up at the sessions. What happened? Some Western experts speculate that Brezhnev sensed that there was so much opposition within the 15-man Politburo that he backed away from making a grab for power. According to some accounts, Brezhnev could count on only five votes. At least seven Politburo members are implacably opposed to granting greater governmental authority to Brezhnev to go along with his party leadership; to do so would be to scrap the collective leadership system that was instituted after Khrushchev's ouster as a safeguard against...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: SOVIET UNION: Whoa, Comrade Brezhnev | 12/6/1971 | See Source »

Shades of Nikita. Podgorny's position may have proved to be stronger than Brezhnev had suspected. In recent months Brezhnev has somewhat softened his positions on Yugoslavia's independence, mutual troop reductions and diplomatic deals with the West; he has even personally forced the intransigent East Germans to agree to concessions in the Berlin negotiations. As a result, a number of disgruntled marshals and industrial managers have rallied round Podgorny, who has become the rep resentative of the extreme hard line within the Kremlin...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: SOVIET UNION: Whoa, Comrade Brezhnev | 12/6/1971 | See Source »

...Leonid Brezhnev may have failed in his efforts to gain election to higher office, but in East Berlin, a far less likely candidate succeeded grandly. By a unanimous 500-to-0 vote, the East German Volkskammer (People's Chamber) last week re-elected old Walter Ulbricht, 78, to a fourth four-year term as Chairman of the East German Council of State...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: EAST GERMANY: Don't Go, Comrade Ulbricht | 12/6/1971 | See Source »

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