Word: cabinda
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...noted that in Angola there has been "an industrial boom in the past decade." This is true, and he would also have been correct had he made mention of the boom in agriculture, transportation, communications, education, health services, etc. But Mr. Shapiro preferred instead to imagine guerrilla activities in Cabinda, which he did not see. Also, he cites some statistical figures which are blatantly distorted, and misrepresents some facts...
Does Mr. Farber speak Portuguese or did he use English to communicate with his "Informants"? How much time did Mr. Farber spend speaking with Gulf and Portuguese authorities relative to that of what he terms "Gulf's critics"? who gave Mr. Farber his information on the security situation at Cabinda and the strategic military strength of Portuguese vs. black liberation forces? What are the sources and reliability of all the statistical data on Portuguese and Gulf expenditure in Mr. Farber report? where and from whom did Mr. Farber get his statements on the so-called "official position of the insurgent...
Despite the crisp briefing style that runs through his analysis and schedule of possible options, Farber shows some remarkable lapses in political sophistication. For example, after noting the low security precautions at the Gulf concession in Cabinda, Farber advances several of what he describes as "conspiratorial theories" to explain why the drilling and refining equipment has not been sabotaged by the liberation forces. Yet inexplicably--at a time when enormous destruction is being visited on North and South Vietnamese by the American bombing campaign--it does not occur to Farber that the guerrillas might be afraid that attacking the Gulf...
...native? It's hard to tell. He is able to pinpoint the political perspective of the Gulf managers, who are vocationally more interested in making profits than in maintaining racist or colonial governments. "Governments often change," says Farber of Gulf's attitude, "but contractual agreements like its concession in Cabinda remain in force...
...SEEMS THAT the PALC organizers were wrong about Harvard. Commitment to principle by a University is dismissed in the Farber report as useless symbolic action; students are intimidated by Farber's description of a world in which Gulf or some other foreign oil company will always be at Cabinda and, if the "low-level stalemate" persists, white Portugal will always rule black Angola...