Word: cambodians
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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Crucial to Nixon's approach is his ability to prove that the Cambodian incursion has been a tangible success. There was evidence that the operation was indeed proving useful in purely military terms. Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird pressed his commanders in Viet Nam about the possibility of accelerating U.S. troop withdrawals. At the same time, Administration loyalists in the Senate conducted an effective stalling action against a cutoff of funds for any future U.S. operations in Cambodia after June 30. Often speaking to a nearly empty chamber, Republican Senators prevented any substantive vote. An innocuous change...
...because when we come out our logistical support and air support will also come out with them." Three days later, President Nguyen Van Thieu said that his troops faced no deadline and that they would feel free to return later whenever asked to do so by the Cambodian government...
...Celebration. In some quarters, including the U.S. State Department, there is deep concern that prolonged ARVN involvement in Cambodia could eventually upset Vietnamization. The Communists, meanwhile, have yet to substantiate a related criticism−that the Cambodian operation will directly imperil South Viet Nam. Across South Viet Nam last week, the enemy did try to mount a special one-day "high point" with rocket and mortar attacks on 64 towns and outposts. But even with nearly 60,000 U.S. and ARVN troops off in Cambodia, the sputtering high added up to a very low-key celebration of Ho Chi Minn...
Many of the antiwar lawyers conceded that proving the Cambodian "attacks" unconstitutional may be difficult. Nixon's authority as Commander in Chief gives him full power to protect U.S. troops in the field. But could he exercise that authority if the troops fighting in Southeast Asia were not deployed legally in the first place? The 1964 Gulf of Tonkin Resolution gave congressional support to President Johnson's use of "all necessary measures to repel any armed attack against the forces of the United States." The dissenters argue, of course, that Congressmen who voted for the resolution after...
Ultimately, the Cambodian version of this issue is less likely to reach the Supreme Court than to be settled politically between Congress and the President. Meantime, ironies abound. Liberals who long dismissed Congress as retrograde and favored "power to the President," as Columbia Law Professor Tom Farer puts it, are now defending congressional wisdom. Longtime advocates of pragmatic interpretation of the Constitution are now becoming staunch strict constructionists...