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...took Richard Nixon's invasion of Cambodia and the subsequent atrocities at Kent Sate to get the mass of students actively involved in efforts to stop the war. Four days after Nixon's April 30 announcement, a meeting of 2700 students and faculty members put Harvard, like more than 300 schools across the nation, on strike. They demanded that the U.S. "unilaterally and immediately withdraw all forces from Southeast Asia," that the U.S. halt "its systematic oppression of political dissidents and release all political prisoners," and that "universities immediately end defense research, ROTC, counter-insurgency research, and all other such...

Author: By James G. Hershberg, | Title: Ten Years Ago This Spring | 6/5/1980 | See Source »

They met with former colleague and friend Henry A. Kissinger '50--on the record, to his displeasure. Thomas C. Schelling, professor of Economics, told Kissinger: "As we see it, there are two possibilities. Either one, the president didn't understand that when he went into Cambodia that he was invading another country; or two, that he did understand. We just don't know which one is scarier." Kissinger was nonplussed. He later recalled that the meeting once and for all convinced him that the world of academia, his former environment, was divorced from the realities of government and thus just...

Author: By James G. Hershberg, | Title: Ten Years Ago This Spring | 6/5/1980 | See Source »

...Monopoly for the two superpowers. ("Trade you Park Place for Atlantic and Ventnor." "Nyet. Maybe ve trade Baltic and Mediterranean for Boardwalk.") Nixon rattles off lists of "Soviet conquests" as if they were playing cards or, dare one say, dominoes--"Angola, Ethiopia, Afghanistan, South Yemen, Mozambique, Laos, Cambodia, and South Vietnam." Ambiguities, complexities, individual circumstances--irrelevant; nationalism, reaction against imperialism?--mere facades...

Author: By James G. Hershberg, | Title: The Last of the Dominoes | 6/3/1980 | See Source »

Viet Nam has recently made a new diplomatic effort to gain full acceptance among its non-Communist neighbors. More particularly, it has sought recognition for its surrogate in Cambodia, the 17-month-old regime of Heng Samrin. Earlier this month, Vietnamese Foreign Minister Nguyen Co Thach launched the latest round of this campaign with a tour of Southeast Asian capitals. The mission produced mixed results. In Malaysia, for example, Prime Minister Datuk Hussein Onn hinted at a willingness to compromise on Cambodia. In Thailand, talks broke down when Thach angrily rejected Bangkok's demand for a neutral Cambodian government...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: VIET NAM: A Dubious Communist Victory | 6/2/1980 | See Source »

Despite the repeated charges leveled at Washington and Peking, the most serious threat to Viet Nam's stability probably comes from its own imperial ambitions. It may be a properly ironic punishment that Viet Nam finds itself bogged down in Cambodia fighting a war against grimly determined guerrillas. Indeed the economically strapped Vietnamese are by no means finished with their Indochinese adventure. They are too tenacious for that. But even a fierce and hardy nation can be asked to endure too much, too long, in a fight that this time...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: VIET NAM: A Dubious Communist Victory | 6/2/1980 | See Source »

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