Word: cambodias
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...vote on the first of two measures aimed at asserting Congress's role in making war-and peace. As approved 9 to 4 by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last week, the amendment would bar the expenditure of funds for U.S. combat activity in Cambodia after June 30. It would also prohibit financing of American personnel acting "directly or indirectly" in support of Cambodian forces either on Cambodian territory or in Cambodian airspace. The amendment, originally introduced by Republican John Sherman Cooper and Democrat Frank Church, had picked up an additional 30 cosponsors by last week, including Democratic Majority...
...forces in Viet Nam after Dec. 31, except for one purpose: the "safe and systematic withdrawal" of remaining American units. Money would be cut off altogether after June 30, 1971, though continued aid to the South Vietnamese would be permitted. McGovern-Hatfield would also eliminate support for operations in Cambodia 30 days after the bill's enactment, and in Laos, by Dec. 31. A vote is expected next month...
...amendment to end the war." Actually, there is little chance that even the Senate, where antiwar sentiment is stronger than in the House, will enact the McGovern-Hatfield amendment in its present form. But the Ziegler blast was aimed at the more imminent and modest Cooper-Church measure on Cambodia...
...White House statement widened a dispute that could have been minimized. The Republican Senate leadership was prepared to try to modify Cooper-Church to make it less restrictive. A variation drawn by Minority Leader Hugh Scott would change the amendment so that the President could send forces back into Cambodia if he found it necessary to do so-and if he consulted congressional leaders. After first encouraging this tactic, the White House backed away from it. much to Scott's embarrassment. Republican Senators were irate. Said New Jersey's Clifford Case: "If the President stands on his constitutional...
Momentum. If the prohibition concerning Laos and Thailand was not an infringement of the President's power as Commander in Chief, then the constitutional argument concerning Cambodia would seem to be weakened. On the other hand, if restrictions on the President's flexibility were accepted as commonplace, they could proliferate to excess. Both law and common sense dictate that the President respond as quickly as necessary to threats to U.S. security. The air and nuclear age make it impossible for the President to seek congressional approval, formal or otherwise, in every contingency. Because the issues are gray...