Word: campaign
(lookup in dictionary)
(lookup stats)
Dates: during 1970-1979
Sort By: most recent first
(reverse)
...campaign will revert to the traditional power of numbers on October 11, when 5000 laborers will rally outside the Seaman's Bank headquarters to call for an end to the "J.P. Stevens-Seaman's Bank connection." It will be the visible sign of what Rogers claims will be increasing pressure on Stevens Director E. Virgil Conway, who doubles as chairman and president of Seaman's Bank. Next on the campaign's hit list is Sidney Weinberg Jr., a partner of Goldman, Sachs, the investment banking firm. When and if he is forced off the Stevens board, the campaign will once...
...running down Stevens' directors, is organization, not labor leading. He claims his founding of a Vista anti-poverty group called "Human Love in Action," and his successful drives to unionize Farah Manufacturing Company, Inc. and the Yale Coop helped to shape the concept of the corporate campaign. But Rogers' thoughts and actions are as much influenced by his past as they are by Saul Alinsky and his book "Rules for Radicals." He directs the campaign against Stevens directors adhering to Alinsky's proposition that "it is not man's 'better nature' but his self-interest that demands...
Rogers says the campaign's polarization of Stevens will not end when all the Stevens directors with financial and corporate ties are driven from the board. Rather, at that time the corporate campaign will "move into phase two and mobilize personal and institutional shareholder power against Stevens," Rogers says. Just like the Stevens directors, shareholders will feel the pressure of the corporate campaign. But first, Rogers says, "we've got to study who really owns the company...
Stevens, meanwhile, remains relatively silent on the corporate campaign, making neutral but subtly alarmed statements like "If, in the future, we are to see the potential use of bank deposits and pension funds to dictate the operating policies of banks and corporations, then the future of our economic system will obviously be dramatically different than its past and present." The financial newspaper Barrons is a bit less muted. In an interpretive piece it said, "The ACTWU vs. J.P. Stevens is no labor dispute; it is class warfare in disguise...
Rogers is raising labor power to a new level, up from the streets, the factories and picket lines and into the safe seclusion of corporate meeting rooms. Unlike the boycott or strike, his corporate campaign does not demand titanic funding, deny the public a certain product, or force a laborer to stop work and fall back on union payments. Instead, it hits corporate directors personally, not just in terms of profits and production. Undoubtedly, Stevens directors who resigned their corporate posts felt the same pounding frustration and anger that Stevens workers feel in their attempts to secure fair employment benefits...