Word: campaigns
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...goal of the corporate campaign, Rogers says, "is to cause those institutions that are tied to J.P. Stevens--either through investments or in the form of corporate connections--to exert influence on the company to recognize the rights and dignity of workers and to sit down and bargain in good faith, realizing that their own real interest is the interest of workers...
...leading the campaign against Stevens, Rogers views the corporation as something other than a traditional Wall Street monolith with unassailable domestic and international financial operations and ties. Rogers likes to think of Stevens simply as a Board of Directors, a group of "human personalities" that give the corporation its powers, with self-interest their primary consideration. Rogers is a strategist; he tries to use the enormous financial power of the ACTWU and other unions to threaten the personal interests of Stevens directors and to force them to resign their directorships on the boards of Stevens and other corporations...
...little more than two years, to the astonishment of the financial world, the corporate campaign has driven Stevens' chairman from the boards of Manufactures Hanover, Inc. and New York Life, forced the resignation of a second director from Man Hanny and compelled two outside directors to resign from the Stevens board. Rogers' campaign is so effective that Stevens' director of public relations calls it the financial equivalent of "knee-capping"--the tactic used by Italian terrorists to immobilize political and corporate leaders...
Rogers launched his corporate campaign in 1977 armed with a fraction of the budget and administrative personnel assigned to the boycott. The campaign keyed first on the Stevens' annual shareholders meeting, bringing 4000 demonstrators to protest outside the meeting and crowding 600 pro-union shareholders into the corporation's New York headquarters. To Rogers, the raucous shareholder meeting and Stevens' decision to hold all subsequent meetings in Greenville, S.C., re-emphasized the need for mass labor support if any type of effort--even one demanding as few organizers as the corporate campaign--was to succeed. Thirty-one years earlier, Stevens...
Stevens filled Mitchell's and Brown's vacated seats with a senior partner in a southern law firm and a president of a small southern college. Rogers claims the appointments are a sign of the success of the corporate campaign. Corporate leaders are increasingly reluctant to be associated with Stevens, he asserts. In fact, Rogers says the major reason Man Hanny accepted the resignations of Finley and Mitchell was not because it feared the loss of over $1 billion in labor pension funds, but rather because it feared its reputation would be tarnished if it were publicly linked with...