Word: carolina
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Dates: during 1990-1999
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Like his daddy before him, Ben Zaitz knew he was going to grow up to be a cowman. And until four years ago, he was--moving 2,000 to 3,000 head of cattle a year between his farm in North Carolina and his farm in Minnesota. But in 1995, Zaitz, then 40, got dissatisfied. His customers were disappearing as hard times hammered the dairy business, especially in the Southeast. And his "profit margins were going to nothing," he says. "I just couldn't see much future in what I was doing." But Zaitz could see a future...
States are tightening skimpy federal rules that have been in place since 1991. The Telephone Consumer Protection Act requires companies to keep a list of people who request not to receive such calls, and gives consumers the right to sue telemarketers $500 for each violation. Last month a South Carolina man took AT&T to small-claims court for repeat calls, and was awarded...
...didn?t. "This was something of a blunder," says TIME congressional correspondent Jay Carney. "First of all, McCain forgot that there?s no such thing as a regional press. Whatever he tells the Chronicle, he tells New Hampshire, and South Carolina ?- and he can?t afford to be that fat a target for conservative Republicans." And that?s not the worst of it. This goof, says Carney, was particularly bad because it was McCain that made it. "McCain?s central appeal is that he doesn?t pander, doesn?t flip-flop, shoots straight and consequences be damned," he says...
Rove has been thinking ahead at least since 1973, when he was elected chairman of the College Republicans on a platform of inclusion against a more purist conservative. He won that race with the help of a young South Carolina operative named Lee Atwater, who went on to become the take-no-prisoners strategist behind George Bush's winning presidential campaign in 1988. When he became chairman of the Republican National Committee in 1989, Atwater advocated a "big tent" philosophy for the party. Rove pushed the same philosophy after he opened a political-consulting business in 1981 in Texas, where...
Certainly Lisa Van Riper didn't. Three years ago, her friend David Beasley, then the Republican Governor of South Carolina, gave the Greenville civic activist $200,000 of private money left over from his inaugural and asked her to help make the state's new work requirements for welfare recipients stick. Van Riper's mission: to persuade every church, synagogue and private civic group in the state to adopt one welfare family and guide it toward independence...