Word: caspar
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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Reagan effectively used the budget process in 1981 and 1982 as a club to win his way in Congress. But many advisers, most notably Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, feel that Reagan might be better off this year without a budget resolution. He could then try to influence each appropriations bill separately, and veto those he disapproved of. The veto threat, however, would be ineffective in tackling the most important spending problem, that of burgeoning entitlements such as Medicaid and federal pensions. These can be cut only if Congress passes new laws to change eligibility. Aside from defense spending, less than...
Many bishops had been upset by the way the Reagan Administration had praised the third draft; for example, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger two weeks ago declared that the document was "consistent" with the Government's policy. The bishops, who felt the draft was far more critical than that, were unhappy with the impression given that they had watered down the document in response to criticism from the White House...
...outside any discussions between the U.S. and the Soviets. While praising the Soviet willingness to focus on warheads "as a sign of progress," the State Department said that the U.S. would stand by its commitment to exclude British and French nuclear forces from the Geneva negotiations. U.S. Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger went so far as to suggest that the tactic might be designed to bring the INF talks "to a halt...
...dispute the right of TIME to print editorials, even if they are not labeled as such. However, when I read this story I thought that perhaps you had mistakenly reprinted without change a press release from the office of Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger...
...MUCH HERALDED "nuclear debate" of the past few years has often seemed little more than a shouting match. The Jonathan Schells holler about the immorality of weapons build-ups and the inevitability of nuclear conflict, the Caspar Weinbergers shout back about the immorality of weakness and the inevitability of Soviet adventurism Neither side takes the other seriously, and neither--because of the absolute moral terms in which their "debate" has been couched--deigns to consider more moderate views. Meanwhile the public remains largely uneducated about the complexities of nuclear strategy instead, individuals take sides based on whether they fear more...