Word: castros
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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...letter to the Presidents of the so-called Contadora countries (Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia and Panama, which first met last January on the Panamanian island of Contadora) praising their efforts to work out such a regional pact. In so doing he quite unintentionally joined, of all people, Cuban President Fidel Castro, who lauded the Contadorans' efforts. But the Administration at the same time gave a cautious reception to a Nicaraguan offer to participate in multilateral peace talks and negotiate six specific points. Indeed, Reagan's letter to the Contadora Presidents stressed the need for democracy in the region in terms that...
...these practice assaults, and the one whose scale and timing most resembled the military exercises now being planned, began on Oct. 21, 1962. It included 7,500 Marines and four aircraft carriers. The goal was to "liberate" the island from a mythical dictator named Ortsac, which happens to be Castro spelled backward. The following day John Kennedy went on television to reveal that Soviet missiles had secretly been placed in Cuba and that the U.S. ships in the area would set up a "quarantine" of that nation until the missile crisis was resolved...
...guns, toughness and tolerance of the extreme right. Early in the Reagan Administration, former Secretary of State Alexander Haig struck just the wrong note with his tough talk about "going to the source." He meant Cuba. He seemed to be suggesting that if the U.S. could just clobber Fidel Castro, the Sandinistas in Nicaragua would behave, or better yet, go away. He also inadvertently aroused suspicion that he was blind to indigenous sources of turmoil, such as poverty and social injustice...
...guerrillas and government in El Salvador. Yes, we would have more leftists running countries in the hemisphere, but those countries are too weak, too poor, too desperate for our help to become genuine Soviet stooges, unless of course we drive them into the Soviets' arms as we did Castro...
...this proposition that indulgence will soften the hard line of Marxists is dubious in the extreme. While it has been convenient for Castro to blame his problems on a hostile "Tio Sam, "the few occasions on which the U.S. has hinted at a milder, more accommodating approach seem to have convinced him that he had won and that he could go his own way with impunity. And Castro's way, if he gets it in the long run, raises another question that the liberals tend to duck: What happens if the momentum of change in Latin America confronts...