Word: caucuses
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...world") whre we ate and argued. He made it quite clear he dislikes the communist Party for Workers Power (Workers Power, for short), which I'm a member of. He's against the "overly serious pro-worker approach through which people in and around the Worker-Student Alliance Caucus (WSA) helped build and lead SDS from '67 to '72. And he made it perfectly clear he opposed Workers Power members (many of whom were deeply involved in this earlier organizing) building this same type of movement against racists like Jencks, Kilson and Herrnstein at Harvard today...
...BEGINNING of the 1968-1969 school year, a small group of conservative professors, most of them tenured and in the Social Sciences, had begun to meet now and then at each other's houses. They were the nucleus of what was to become the Faculty's conservative caucus (one leader of the caucus was John T. Dunlop, then Wells Professor of Political Economy and later to become dean of the Faculty), and had begun to meet in response to what they considered threats to the University...
...leniency for the demonstrators, the Ad Board in January 1969 recommended that five of the students who sat in at Paine Hall be required to withdraw. But the Faculty overruled the recommendation, refusing in a 192-99 vote to kick anyone out. After that Faculty vote, the conservative caucus started to meet every week...
...weeks later, of course, came the occupation of University Hall. On April 10, the day police evicted the students from University Hall at dawn, the Faculty's liberal caucus met for the first time. More than a hundred Faculty liberals condemned Pusey for ordering police into University Hall and for his public statements on ROTC, and condemned the students who had occupied the building. The liberal caucus was larger and less well organized than its conservative counterpart. It included junior as well as senior Faculty; its members tended to be in the Humanities and the Natural Sciences...
...fudged, where blunt assessments can be avoided. In his call for Nixon's resignation, Senator Buckley used language skillfully to create the image of a President innocent of criminal acts, a man essentially victimized by others. But Buckley's whole performance in the cavernous Senate Caucus Room spoke something quite the opposite, something that members of Congress until now have only dared mutter among themselves. It is the horror of the spectacle of a President of the U.S.-a friend, a Republican, a national figure for three decades-being revealed as a criminal while holding the nation...