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Distancing the agency from a project with Cheney's fingerprints was politically astute. "As a good politician, Panetta probably knew that [Cheney's involvement] was precisely the reason we should get nervous about it," says Paul Pillar, a former deputy director of the CIA's Counterterrorist Center...
Cathy Pill, fashion designer I'd start with freshly squeezed orange juice and great coffee with some friends on the terrace at Gaudron, tel: (32-2) 343 9790. Then I would go to the city center and walk through the beautiful stores on the Rue Antoine Dansaert. It's fashion-slave heaven, with boutiques crammed into every available space. I would definitely go to Stijl at No. 74, tel: (32-2) 512 0313. This is the mecca of contemporary Belgian haute couture. I'd also visit Icon, tel: (32-2) 502 7151, to see their new trends. Later, for dinner...
Paul Pillar, a former deputy director of the CIA's Counterterrorist Center, points out that when a new director takes charge, it falls to senior officials to figure out what he needs to know and when. "You have officials one or two rungs down who have to decide what the boss needs to see first and what can wait," he says. Though not shocked that Panetta wasn't told until June 23, Pillar adds, "In retrospect, the [Cheney] angle ought to be sufficient grounds for someone to think, This does deserve the boss's attention...
Monica Youn, an attorney in the Democracy Program of NYU's nonpartisan Brennan Center for Justice, presents this study of Judge Sonia Sotomayor's record. To contextualize Sotomayor's decisions and inform the ongoing debate over the U.S. Supreme Court nominee's purported history of "judicial activism," Youn looked at every constitutional case - 1,194 in total - decided by the judges of the Second Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals during Sotomayor's decade of service. The study used three major measures: whether the votes of each judge were in accord with his or her colleagues'; how often the judge upheld...
...Groux, a specialist in French social and labor conflict for the National Center of Scientific Research, notes that while that kind of activity would bring about legal punishment and public denunciation elsewhere in the world, it's viewed with singular tolerance in France. That's due in part to lingering French admiration and respect for insurrectional and revolutionary movements, and a national inclination toward stroppiness. "French history is filled with examples of rebellion and insurrection sparked by injustice that, like the Revolution itself, involved excesses people tend to minimize as they approve the wider cause involved," notes Groux. "There...