Word: centrality
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...second major feature of the Party's attempt to reassert its hold over the society was the strengthening of the Party Control Commission apparatus. The Central Control Commission (and local branches) had been established in 1955 in the wake of the purge of Kao Kang. Although the Commission was staffed by some important leaders, there were few indications that it was very active in the middle and late fifties. In any event, it was clearly not so ominous an organization as those created in the Stalinist period of the Soviet Union. Furthermore, since all of its 21 members worked...
Nonetheless, there have been some corridors of advancement open. Although it is probably the least powerful of the major institutions in China, the government bureaucracy (headed by Chou En-Lai) has provided a fair possibility for advancement. For example, 28 per cent of the cabinet ministers in 1960 were Central Committee members, but by early 1966 only 18 per cent were on the Central Committee. Similarly, 46 per cent of the provincial governors were Central Committee members in 1960, but now the figure is only 27 per cent. It is necessary to re-emphasize, however, that the "newcomers...
Within the CCP hierarchy, the upward mobility has been made less notable. One of numerous examples suffices to illustrate the point: in 1960 the provincial 1st Party secretaries were drawn from the Central Committee in 88 per cent of the cases, and by 1966 this had only dropped to slightly less than 70 per cent. The lack of upward mobility--indeed, the reverse of such mobility--is best illustrated in the People's Liberation Army (PLA). Using the key post of political commissar in the provinces, there are now more Central Committee members holding this post than...
...hierarchies already discussed, then a much stronger term is required when one examines the new blood at policy-making levels. With minor adjsustments, policy-making in China rests with the Politburo elected a decade ago, and the execution of these policies is the responsibility of a small Central Secretariat elected at the same time. Officially, the Politburo now consists of 22 men and the Secretariat of 15 (seven of whom are currently on the Politburo). But as the readers of the Chinese press know, a few of these men are only nominal members because they have been either purged...
...words, there are increasing signs that Mao (and a select few around him) have been monopolizing the processes of decision-making, and showing less concern for the opinions and experience of second- and third-echelon leaders. These tendencies are illustrated by the failure to convene plenums of the Party Central Committee, the importance of which is recognized by all students of contemporary China. For example, in the middle and late fifties, when the Communist regime seemed most flexible and rational, the plenums served as guideposts of policies and actions within China. Theoretically, plenums must be held twice a year...