Word: cheneyism
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That uncharacteristically humble statement, however, came only after Cheney had used the opportunity to blast Clarke. "He's taken advantage of the circumstances this week to promote himself and his book." Cheney added, "I don't know the guy that well ... but judging based on what I've seen, I don't hold him in high regard." Other Bush figures accused Clarke, who is a friend of Kerry's chief foreign policy adviser, Rand Beers, of being partisan. Describing Clarke's apology for 9/11, a Bush adviser remarked, "It's political bulls___. It's great political bulls...
...rejected under Clinton, while at another she insisted that the Bush team had acted on them. And Rice sometimes contradicted--or was contradicted by--Administration colleagues who were doing their own briefings for the media and appearing before the commission. Rice, for example, disagreed with Vice President Dick Cheney's claim that Clarke was "out of the loop" on decisions on counterterrorism...
...with his family that she had established during his father's presidency. Rice used the confidence that Bush had in her to consolidate her position in Washington. The big personalities of the Administration's foreign policy team had not yet shown their muscle. Though it was well understood that Cheney would be a key figure in the new Administration, Bush did not know him as well as he knew Rice. There was speculation at the end of 2000 that Cheney would chair the Principals Committee meetings--a key policymaking forum on foreign and security policy. Rice was given the assignment...
...equally true. First, whatever their sense of the urgency on the terrorism threat, Bush's officials--who started their own policy review of the subject--didn't think much of the Clinton team's approach to the problem. "There was a sense they hadn't handled it well," Cheney told TIME last week. Second, the new Administration had a lot on its plate. Some things it had heaped there itself, like a commitment to stand down the Antiballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty of 1972--which, Cheney pointed out last week, needed to be done because "we had campaigned on a platform...
...deeply split. By 2003 there were at least four different streams of thought among Administration officials. Some people, epitomized by Deputy Secretary of State Paul Wolfowitz, wanted to use U.S. power to sort out the arc of crisis in the Muslim world. There were those--Rumsfeld, usually supported by Cheney--whose purpose was less to change the world than to defend America's interests in it and who were willing to use force unilaterally and pre-emptively snuff out what they considered potential threats. The State Department, for its part, continued to press for multilateral solutions to crises and wanted...