Word: congressmen
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Dates: during 1950-1959
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...power elements that Stroessner had to size up in making his decision were the various factions of his Colorado Party and his army. The Colorados were divided in two. The minority Presidencialistas urged continuing dictatorship; the majority Civilistas, who include nearly all Congressmen and most of the younger wing of the party, proposed liberalizing...
...Hill representatives (1948-49), and as Ike's link with Congress (1953-58) make him alert to congressional sensitivities and sensibilities. He may not manage his time-or Ike's-with quite such crisp efficiency as Adams did. But perhaps because they like him better Congressmen consider him by far the more effective of the two. Says a White House staffer: "The problem at the White House is 'erosion' of good relations. Jerry tries to keep irritation to a minimum...
...Jacket. Persons' office looks more like a den (a tiger skin, two mounted bonefish, his two-starred major general's flag) than a command post of Government. There he operates with a sort of slipper-and-smoking-jacket informality. He still makes his own telephone calls to Congressmen; no Senator is ever kept hanging on the wire by a secretary. He takes virtually every incoming call ("When I get to Arlington National Cemetery," he sighs, "I'll stop taking them"), even encourages the last little argument, sometimes past the point of productivity. To Persons...
...Congress, Easter is a time for rest after the first labors of the new year. For wise Congressmen the long Easter recess is also a time for clearing the head of Washington's political vapors and finding out what is in the minds of the folks back home. In 1958 the Easter recess served a key purpose: in Washington, the temptation to fight recession with a spending spree had been almost overwhelming. But when the Congressmen got home at Easter, they discovered to their general astonishment that there was little sentiment for wild pump-priming. That discovery shaped much...
...Gallup poll reported that 80% thought the U.S. should remain. Last week a Gallup poll showed an almost identical result: 81% favored a strong stand "even at the risk of war"; only 11% wanted to pull out while 8% had no opinion. What the voters told the first returning Congressmen confirmed the poll. In Boston, Democratic Representative John McCormack reported invariable assent when he was asked, "What do you think about Berlin, John?" and replied: "It's vitally important for us to be firm-we can't forget the lesson of Munich...