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...qualification was well chosen, for the possibility of peace after nearly a quarter century of constant hostility and frequent war touched off new varieties of shock waves. At week's end, Israel's coalition cabinet was on the verge of splitting under the pressures of consent to the U.S. plan. Syria, Iraq and Algeria refused to follow Egypt's President Nasser and the other Arab nations in giving diplomacy a try. The Palestine guerrilla movement, accustomed to warring with Lebanon and Jordan over its freedom to make rocket and hit-and-run attacks on Israel, suddenly found...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: World: Middle East: At Last, a Way Out? | 8/10/1970 | See Source »

...also as a force to be reckoned with in the domestic politics of nearly every Arab nation. "We are the joker in the deck," boasts Dr. George Habash, leader of the extremist Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (P.F.L.P.), whose specialty is the hijacking of airplanes. "Without our consent, the other Arabs can do nothing, and we will never agree to a peaceful settlement. If the Arab countries now think they can gang up and make peace over our heads, they are mistaken. All we have to do is assert our power in one country and the rest will...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: World: The Rebellious Palestinians | 8/10/1970 | See Source »

...moment of marriage and on the physical consummation of the union, rather than on any evidence of spiritual growth in what is held up as a spiritual bond. Impotence, for instance-either total or relative to the other partner-invalidates a marriage. So does lack of free consent by one or both parties (as in a "shotgun wedding"), or pre-agreed conditions that in the church's eyes violate the idea of true marriage, such as a refusal to have children. West and Francis argue that the church is wrong in its assumption that any person baptized a Catholic...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Religion: The Debate over Catholic Marriage | 7/6/1970 | See Source »

WALZER'S political universe is existential and consensual. He takes the Lockean consent-of-the-governed (if not quite the social contract) as a real and serious matter. This seriousness focuses the essays on a procedural rather than substantive ethics. As a tool of analysis, consensual theory can say little about those whose consent is tacit. A silent majority is negative data. Walzer necessarily concentrates on those whose moral initiatives are obvious and visible, as with the radical or dissenting intellectual. Inevitably, and perhaps for the best, he describes a political world as confronted by people like himself...

Author: By Thomas Geoghegan, | Title: Books Walzer's Obligations | 7/2/1970 | See Source »

...expected to go along, and even if it did, the President would surely veto the bill. Yet the issue is not meaningless. What is really at stake is a highly political proposition: whether the Senate will in effect censure the President for taking military action in Cambodia without its consent. Nor is congressional impatience with the Administration's explanations of its war policy limited to the Senate doves. The House voted overwhelmingly (223-101) last week to send its own twelve-man fact-finding team to "study all aspects of U.S. military involvement in Southeast Asia" and to report...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Nation: No Confidence on Cambodia | 6/22/1970 | See Source »

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