Word: croats
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...protest to Belgrade, describing Zone B as "Italian territory." Marshal Tito's government responded by claiming that Zone B (and Zone A, too, if Rome really wanted to pursue the matter) was "Yugoslav territory." Yugoslav armor and troops went on maneuvers, and protests erupted in a number of Croat and Slovene border towns. More than 10,000 people crowded Tito Square in the Zone B town of Koper, some carrying signs reading, WHAT IS OURS WE DON'T GIVE...
...most able advocates of democratization, Marko Nikezić, 51, the chairman of the Serbian Communist Party. Accused of excessive liberalism, the burly, crew-cut Serbian had, in fact, attempted to dampen Serbian national fervor. He reportedly aroused Tito's ire last year by warning him against rising Croat separatism before Tito was ready to acknowledge it. Other prominent Serbs who resigned under pressure were Serbian Central Committee Secretary Latinka Perović and Foreign Minister Mirko Tepavac. The premier of Slovenia, Stane Kavćić, and a Serbian member of the Presidium, Koca Popović, resigned voluntarily...
...raiders escaped into the mountains. The age of the invaders -most were in their early 20s and had emigrated only in the past year or two -came as a shock to Yugoslav officials, who have always maintained that the Ustaše's following is limited to Croat fascists of the older generation...
...mini-invasion took place at an exceptionally tense time for Yugoslavia. The government's announcement that it had routed the raiders came two days before four young Croat nationalists were to have gone on trial in Zagreb, the Croatian republic's capital. Although that trial has now been postponed until August, a second trial, involving seven other youths, began last week. Both groups are charged with instigating last year's strike by 30,000 students at Zagreb University, and plotting to separate Croatia from the Yugoslav federation by force...
...hoped its foray into Bosnia would trigger a wave of sympathetic demonstrations on behalf of the accused separatists. If so, the plan misfired badly. Instead of aiding the defendants, the raid came as a windfall for the prosecution; it gave credence to Belgrade's repeated accusation that Croat "chauvinists" at home are linked with Croat extremists in exile. In fact, the timing of the incident was so convenient for the prosecution that it prompted speculation-so far unconfirmed -that the Yugoslav secret police, who have heavily infiltrated the Ustaše, may have lured the invaders into staging...