Word: cushendun
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Dates: during 1920-1929
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Ambassador Hugh Simons Gibson, representing President Herbert Clark Hoover, smiled and said nothing. Baron Cushendun of Great Britain frowned in silence. Outside the Commission room they both expressed themselves to correspondents in scathing terms, though "not for publication." The plan was not worthy of criticism or consideration, they indicated, because they believed it had been "offered in bad faith." They did not offer any alternative plan, perhaps because the Commission long ago became almost inextricably entangled in its so-called Draft Convention for a Disarmament Conference (TIME, April...
Chairman Loudon of the Commission introduced still another plan by reading a letter signed "Clifford Harmon, President of the International League of Aviators." Mr. Harmon was present to hear his letter read. He flushed very red when Baron Cushendun observed at the close of the reading: "I know nothing about the gentleman who wrote the letter, but everybody knows there are organizations with high sounding titles which, it is possible, consist of an office on the fifth floor and a letterhead. I think the letter itself of no value, but even if it were valuable I believe it very improper...
Airman Harmon, monied amateur, is by no means unknown to persons less air-unconscious than Baron Cushendun. A contemporary of the Wrights, Curtis, Bleriot, Farman et al., and an ardent balloonist, he now lives in Paris where he attends to the affairs of the International League of Aviators. Most potent of these affairs is the annual presentation of the ornate Harmon trophy for achievement in aviation. Recent recipients of the trophy include...
...member of the Opposition asked. (And today asks the Viscount.) In answer Sir Edward said: "How far that entails an obligation, let every man look into his own heart and his own feelings and construe the extent of the obligation for himself," or as echoed by the present Lord Cushendun in 1928: "We are under no obligation and could if we liked alter our attitude. . . . But Britain is not likely to do this because it would be absolutely futile...
...France can maintain an army of 5,000,000, Poland an army of 2,000,000. Czechoslovakia 1,500,000 and Italy and other European countries 5,000,000. The Kellogg treaty, under these conditions, is not worth Lord Cushendun's railway fare to Paris to sign it. A clash is inevitable sooner or later if these gigantic armies are maintained, and the Anglo-French compact binds us to support France in its contention that not only these armies shall not be cut down but shall not even be discussed...