Word: czars
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Dates: during 1980-1989
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...leave the Soviet Union that day on the 7:15 p.m. flight from Sheremetyevo Airport. That knowledge only increased the poignancy of Daniloff's visit earlier that morning to the grave of his great-great-grandf ather, a Russian who took part in the 1825 Decembrist uprising against the Czar and was subsequently exiled to Siberia...
...chief interest was the Soviet Union, and he had more experience dealing with that country than any other American in history. His first visit to Russia was in 1899, during the reign of Czar Nicholas II, when he accompanied his father on an expedition that reached Siberia. His last was in 1983, at the invitation of Soviet Leader Yuri Andropov. In between he negotiated his own private mineral concessions with Trotsky and spent more time with Stalin than any other American. Nikita Khrushchev liked the old capitalist so much that he jokingly offered...
...dispute between Britain and the Soviet Union had been unresolved for 68 years. The subject: bonds issued by the Czar before the Bolshevik revolution of 1917. Soon after the Communists took power, they repudiated the debt, including bonds with a face value of $75 million that were held by British investors. The Soviets also nationalized $1.35 billion worth of British property in the U.S.S.R. In retaliation, London seized Soviet assets in Britain with an estimated value of $68 million...
...popular fiction. (MacGuffin was Alfred Hitchcock's name for the object or secret that sets the plot churning.) The time is 1966, and Soviet Chairman Leonid Brezhnev, no less, is trying desperately to find a famous icon spirited away from the Winter Palace in the last days of the Czar. It passed through the hands of the Luftwaffe chief Hermann Goring, who gave it to Scott's father, his jailer after World War II. The late Scott Sr., in turn, confided its whereabouts...
...staff officer, skillfully condensing the arguments of the quarreling Cabinet secretaries and their underlings, then presenting the various action options to the President. Unlike Henry Kissinger under Nixon and Ford and, to a slightly lesser degree, Zbigniew Brzezinski under Carter, Poindexter does not consider himself a virtual foreign-policy czar. He has neither the desire nor the personality to pressure other high officials into agreement. Instead, by avoiding the limelight, Poindexter believes he can effectively work out compromises among his large-ego clients...