Word: dinh
(lookup in dictionary)
(lookup stats)
Dates: during 1970-1979
Sort By: most recent first
(reverse)
...extension into the countryside of the military and administrative apparatus of the Central Government. In some cases, the successes of pacification can be seen in quite striking fashion. Voter turnout in the 1967 presidential election as compared with the 1966 consituent assembly election increased by 50 percent in Binh Dinh province, 23 percent in Phu Yen, 22 percent in Hau Nghia and 20 percent in Binh Duong. These changes were undoubtedly the result of the strong pacification efforts made in those provinces...
...THESE SAME PROVINCES also illustrate the limits of pacification. When military forces were withdrawn from Binh Dinh and Hau Nghia, security rapidly began to deteriorate. The fragility of the whole pacification effort was reflected by the extent of its at least temporary collapse during the Tet offensive, despite the fact that the offensive was directed at the cities rather than the pacification cadres. The acid test of pacification is whether a locality develops the will and the means to defend itself against Viet Cong attack or infiltration. With a few exceptions, mostly among the communal groups, the current pacification effort...
...book Vietnam: Between Two Truces, Jean Lacouture pointed out that in the mid-1950's after Hanoi had withdrawn its troops and had agreed to end the insurrection by the southern Vietminh, the regime of Ngo Dinh Diem took drastic measures...
...through the Demilitarized Zone. Hanoi's crack 320th Division has been spotted moving south, along with some 50 tanks, toward South Viet Nam's weak Military Region II (the Central Highlands), where the main Communist thrust is expected. Already, three North Vietnamese regiments are grouped in Binh Dinh province, which is rated as the least secure of the country's 44 provinces. There General Ngo Dzu, the area commander, expects the Communists to attempt "popular uprisings" in the style...
Pretty intricate issues. Ulam ignores them. By studying "good intentions" in a vacuum, he misses the drift of American foreign policy. His "analysis" of Vietnam is typically shallow and absurd. Contradicting the consensus of past and present critics (including such men as President Eisenhower). Ulam contends that Ngo Dinh Diem would have won had elections been held in 1956. "It is a testimony not so much to his undemocratic propensities as to his political clumsiness, one should think, that Diem did not insist on having elections," he writes. What evidence has he for this astonishing conclusion? "The partition of Vietnam...