Word: dissenters
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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According to Emergency Decree No. 9, criticizing the South Korean government is an offense punishable by not less than a year in prison. The decree, promulgated last May, was designed by President Park Chung Hee to stifle opposition, principally from intellectuals and Christian clergymen, to his authoritarian rule. But dissent continues in South Korea, and so, in the spirit of Decree No. 9, does repression...
...Park regime is in no mood to tolerate any opposition, no matter how it is expressed. Decree No. 9 also forbids newspapers from publishing anything about dissent, other than the government's official statements. Thus very few Koreans knew about the cathedral meeting or the arrests until the government made its own announcements ten days later...
Without a single dissent or abstention, the 5,000 Soviet delegates to the Congress ratified the new five-year plan, tenth in the country's history. Running from 1976 through 1980, the plan aims to boost output by 38% to 42% a year in heavy industry, by 14% to 17% in agriculture. Consumer goods are to grow at 30% to 32%; this sector enjoyed priority over heavy industry during the ninth plan, which ended in 1975 (TIME, March 1), but as Kosygin conceded, "Light industry and other industrial branches on which consumer goods depend have not yet lived...
...their talk about democracy, the Communist parties themselves are closed and often conspiratorial societies. The Italian party, widely regarded as the paradigm of humanistic Communism, does not permit dissent to grow within the ranks. Decisions are imposed from above, and a political control commission enforces the orthodoxy of the moment. French Party Leader Georges Marchais has stated his belief in a democratic multiparty political system. Exactly what he has in mind, however, may not be reassuring; in 1974, for example, a French party congress praised the "democratic achievements" of the near-totalitarian regimes of Eastern Europe. No wonder Harvard Sovietologist...
Fair Chance. Of course the court was not contemplating giving up its power to review state supreme court decisions, but the high bench seems of a collective mind to turn more final authority back to the state courts. Three years ago, Justice Powell wrote a dissent-which three colleagues largely supported-arguing that federal habeas inquiries in state convictions should be limited to the question of whether the prisoner had a fair chance to raise his claim in state court. He further argued that there is now virtually no finality to any criminal adjudication, and the right of a prisoner...