Word: dobrynin
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...while the President briefed the congressional leadership, I saw Dobrynin, whom I had called away from a dinner. Dobrynin asked what precise measures were implied in the blockade. He lost his cool only once when I asked him how the Soviet Union would react if the 15,000 Soviet soldiers in Egypt were in imminent danger of being captured by Israelis. Dobrynin became uncharacteristically vehement and revealed more than he could have intended: "First of all, we never put forces somewhere...
Hanoi asked for increased support from its Communist backers. But there was no rush to the barricades in either Moscow or Peking. On the afternoon of May 10, Dobrynin came to the Map Room of the White House. Out of the blue, he asked whether the President had as yet decided on receiving Soviet Foreign Trade Minister Nikolai Patolichev, who was in Washington on a visit. The request could only mean that the Soviet leaders had decided to fall in with our approach of business as usual. Trying to match the Ambassador's studied casualness, I allowed that...
...every crisis tension builds steadily, sometimes nearly unbearably, until some decisive turning point. The conversation with Dobrynin, if not yet the turning point, deflated the pressure. We knew that the Moscow summit [described in last week's installment in TIME] was still...
...tender quit the Caribbean on Jan. 3, 1971-only to be replaced by a second tender that arrived in Cuba on Feb. 14 with another Soviet naval task force, including a nuclear-powered attack sub. I handed Dobrynin a note on Feb. 22 saying that the presence of a tender in Cienfuegos for 125 of the last 166 days was inconsistent with the understanding. The tender and sub left. In May, a tender and a nuclear-powered cruise-missile sub made a visit. Every conceivable combination was being tried -except the most important one, the presence of a tender...
...issue has moved into intensive, private negotiations between Vance and Ambassador Anatoli Dobrynin. Vance must persuade the Kremlin to alter the status quo so that the Ad ministration can climb out of its hole - and Frank Church can climb out of an even deeper one. If Vance succeeds, and the Russians agree to tinker with the command structure, deployment and definition of the brigade, then Americans will have to live with the uncomfortable knowledge that in the overblown Cuban crisis of September 1979, Soviet flexibility rescued the U.S. Government from its own clumsiness. If Vance fails, there is a good...