Word: dobrynin
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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What to do about the Soviet troops in Cuba? Laying the groundwork for an answer to that question has been the task before Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and Soviet Ambassador Anatoli Dobrynin in two weeks of meetings at the State Department. Last week they huddled twice. There was no movement on the issue, at least none that was made public. It seemed likely that any significant shifts in both countries' positions would have to await Vance's meeting this week with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko...
...bureaucracy that we intended to base our negotiations on a calculation of the national interest, not abstract slogans, and on strict reciprocity, not "gestures" or "signals." By the end of 1969 it seemed that the careful fencing was about to end. My talks with Soviet Ambassador Anatoli Dobrynin-what came to be known as the Channel-had become increasingly active, usually on Soviet initiative. We had succeeded in making it clear to the Soviets, and with a little time lag to the bureaucracy, that the President's view was the decisive...
...Dobrynin avoided these professional deformations. He was a classic product of the Communist society. The first member of his family to go to a university, he was trained as an engineer. Whether he owed his flexibility to his training in a subject relatively free of deadening ideology, or to a natural disposition, he was one of the few Soviet diplomats of my acquaintance who could understand the psychology of others...
Three times last week, the long black Cadillac limousine glided into the underground garage beneath the State Department; three times Soviet Ambassador Anatoli Dobrynin slipped into a private elevator and rode up to the seventh-floor office of Secretary of State Cyrus Vance. After each meeting, both diplomats avoided reporters' questions. There had already been far too much threatening and ill-considered rhetoric about the problem that confronted them: the controversial role of Soviet combat troops in Cuba...
Though Vance would disclose no details of his talks with Dobrynin, it was apparent that the Secretary of State was trying to be conciliatory. Even while the Senate continued to reverberate with demands for a Soviet withdrawal, State Department officials began suggesting that some face-saving accommodation could be found. Perhaps the Soviets could disperse their brigade, or simply pledge that it had no offensive purpose...