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With Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin, say the Kalbs, Kissinger took a different though not necessarily inconsistent line. "Citing the demands from Capitol Hill for quick American aid to Israel and a reappraisal of the Administration policy of detente with Russia, he told the Russian envoy that he was holding back a rush of pro-Israeli actions. He appealed for Soviet cooperation in restraining the advancing Arab armies and in fostering a cease-fire in the Middle East...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: HISTORICAL NOTES: How Kissinger Handled a War | 7/1/1974 | See Source »

SALT II. Buoyed by assurances from Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin that progress was possible, Kissinger hoped for a "conceptual breakthrough" in offensive missiles. In the SALT I agreement of two years ago, the two sides agreed on temporary numerical limits for ICBMS and submarine-launched missiles and limits on anti-ballistic missile systems. The U.S. was allowed 1,054 land-based missiles and 710 submarine-launched missiles, v. the Soviets' 1,618 land-based missiles and 950 submarine-launched missiles. The Soviet advantage in numbers of missiles was presumably counterweighed by U.S. superiority in accuracy, sophistication and numbers...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: DIPLOMACY: A Yellow Light on the Road to D | 4/8/1974 | See Source »

...their nuclear forces. Kissinger's estimate of the situation was that "there was no breakthrough, but we made definite progress. There's a chance for agreement but no guarantee." Observed one high U.S. diplomat on the homeward flight from Moscow: "It did not go as far as Dobrynin had said it might. Perhaps the Secretary was too optimistic in following his lead...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: DIPLOMACY: A Yellow Light on the Road to D | 4/8/1974 | See Source »

...rums and the devastation of Richard Nixon's stricken Administration. He may be, because of his prestige on Capitol Hill, the largest single barrier separating Nixon from impeachment (see following story). Even the Russians seem to consider him now more important than the President. When Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin called on Vice President Gerald Ford last week, what he really wanted to know was not whether a Ford Ad ministration, if it comes about, would continue detente but whether it would keep Kissinger, whom the Russians know and respect, as Secretary of State. He came away satisfied, and Ford...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: DIPLOMACY: The Superstar on His Own | 12/24/1973 | See Source »

...presuming that the cease-fire holds and détente continues, is to provide the auspices not only for limited withdrawal but for broader, long-lasting peace negotiations as well. Even before last week's eyeballing, Kissinger said at his press conference, he and Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin had been holding preliminary conversations about "the site, the participation and the procedures" of talks. Both sides, declared Kissinger, have an opportunity "to determine their own fate in consultation and negotiation-for the first time in 25 years...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: DIPLOMACY: Winding Up War, Working Toward Peace | 11/5/1973 | See Source »

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