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...neutral Finns. But in the long run, the only way that Russia can allay the worries of the Finns, or of anyone else, is to loosen its grip on Czechoslovakia. Unfortunately, the Soviets are in the process of tightening it. Last week, after First Party Secretary Alexander Dubček and two fellow leaders returned from another session in the Kremlin, there were disturbing reports from Prague. "This time the Kremlin leaders did not even bother to debate any point," said a shaken Czechoslovak delegate. "They just dictated terms." In fact, the text of the final communique, which, among other...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: World: A DOCTRINE FOR DOMINATION | 10/18/1968 | See Source »

When Dubček demurred that such a large Soviet garrison would leave little barracks space for the Czechoslovak army, Brezhnev replied: "We could use about 250,000 of your troops along the Chinese frontier." When Dubček tried to explain that his side had fulfilled the conditions of the first Moscow accord, Soviet President Nikolai Podgorny ordered him to shut up. The Russians told the Czechoslovaks not to hope that outrage among the free world's Communist parties would deter the Kremlin from cracking down harder on Czechoslovakia. In the words of one Russian, "For the next...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: World: A DOCTRINE FOR DOMINATION | 10/18/1968 | See Source »

Anti-Dubcek Factions. Once again, the Czechoslovak leaders returned from Moscow beaten men, committed to imposing a fresh series of repressive measures on their people. For a short time Dubček, who was reportedly in a state of near hysteria, considered quitting his post. But after a couple of days of recuperation, he and the others regained much of their spirit. Premier Oldrich Cernik, who had been in Moscow, implored Czechoslovaks to refrain from wry, between-the-line digs at the Soviets, adding in colloquial Czech: "What about some expressions of friendship, boys?" Similarly, Dubček conceded...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: World: A DOCTRINE FOR DOMINATION | 10/18/1968 | See Source »

...Commentary. The meetings were reportedly working sessions aimed at reaching practical agreements. From the tone of the communique issued when they ended, it would seem that it was the Russians who got most of the work done. Dubček not only pledged once again to place Czechoslovakia's press in "the service of socialism," but also gave preliminary approval to the "temporary stationing" of Warsaw Pact troops throughout his country-a concession that would legalize an indefinite occupation. Though Czechoslovak leaders have privately pledged that "no one will be arrested here for his political beliefs," the agreement also...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Czechoslovakia: Round 2 in Moscow | 10/11/1968 | See Source »

...factor that may work in Dubček's favor developed last week in Budapest, where Soviet party leaders reluctantly agreed to postpone the worldwide Communist Party conference scheduled for next month. The reason was all too obvious: Moscow's treatment of Czechoslovakia had infuriated a large number of the prospective delegates. Only last spring, Soviet delegates had enough clout in Budapest to win approval of the summit. Now, led by the Italians, Dubček sympathizers threatened to put Moscow on trial at the summit-and the Kremlin was not ready to submit to that...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Czechoslovakia: Round 2 in Moscow | 10/11/1968 | See Source »

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