Word: ervin
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...hearings. David Beckwith, himself a lawyer, spends almost five hours a day sitting virtually at each witness's left hand, watching and taking notes on the testimony (almost 6,000 pages so far). Former Saigon Bureau Chief Stanley Cloud concentrates primarily on the members and staff of the Ervin committee. Senior Congressional Correspondent Neil MacNeil amasses political reactions to Watergate and also serves as our constitutional expert...
Washington News Editor John Stacks coordinates the various assignments, exploiting the bureau's ability to pool contacts and expertise. Late one night, for example, MacNeil learned that someone at the White House was trying to link Senator Lowell Weicker, an Ervin committee member, with illegal campaign contributions. Sandy Smith pursued the story from there until he discovered which White House people were allegedly responsible for the attempted character assassination. Then Stanley Cloud picked it up and checked the matter with Weicker. Within 24 hours, TIME (July 9) had the full story of the White House plan...
...hell appointed this bloated bigot Sam Ervin to be judge and prosecutor and jury? What a sickening travesty of justice; what a farcical "search for truth"; what a frightening reminder of the Joe McCarthy days...
...week the subpoenas and presidential refusals arced across Washington like shellfire. Watergate, for so long a kind of inchoate guerrilla war, had developed clear and momentous battle lines. Richard Nixon took his stand behind a barricade of Executive privilege. Neither Sam Ervin's Senate committee nor Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox would get the key White House tapes and documents they were demanding for their investigations of Watergate. At issue, the President declared, is "the independence of the three branches of our Government ... the very heart of our constitutional system." Sam Ervin had a different definition of the question: "Whether...
Quite beyond the specific constitutional issue, Nixon's tenure has increasingly been marked by an extraordinary assertion of presidential powers. John Ehrlichman told the Ervin committee that the President can do almost anything in the name of national security, including committing burglaries. John Mitchell testified blandly that he would have done anything to get Nixon reelected. Such arrogations were piled upon Nixon's massive impoundment of funds appropriated by Congress and upon his claims to the right to make war by fiat, and concealment of how he was conducting that war. It was not perhaps one-man rule...