Word: european
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...scene stealer, presented the President with a problem on the very eve of his departure. Word out of London had it that De Gaulle, who has steadfastly opposed British entry into the Common Market, had proposed that Britain join France, West Germany and Italy in a four-power European economic directorate that would replace the Common Market. His reported price: that Britain withdraw from NATO, as France in effect has already done. London and Paris started a shouting match over whether or not De Gaulle had actually made such a proposal?and the curious case caused a new outbreak...
Still, neither De Gaulle nor Ulbricht could dim the clear purpose of the President's journey to Europe. That purpose, he said before his departure, was "the strengthening and revitalizing of the American-European community." The Viet Nam war had preoccupied the U.S. with Asia, almost to the exclusion of its historic concern with Europe. By undertaking a voyage of reconciliation so early in his presidency, Nixon seemed to many Europeans to be making a dramatic political gesture. In Europe, where the masses regard Nixon as even more of an enigma than U.S. Presidents are usually held...
Brussels, the President's first stop, is the capital of a tiny nation divided by ethnic schism. Yet, as the headquarters of both NATO and the Common Market, it is also the capital of European cooperation. It is, as well, the European base for a growing U.S. industrial complex. The main route into the city from Zaventem airport passes through what is known locally as "Little Texas"?an unmistakably American creation that includes a new Esso research center as well as plants built by IBM and Honeywell. Nixon will enter the city with King Baudouin. On the President...
...NATO's European members to abandon plans for lowering their troop commitments, and in fact, since August, they have worked to upgrade equipment, improve reserves and increase mobilization capability...
...Europeans are fearful that the U.S. plans to make further cuts in its 210,000-man troop level in West Germany; they consider airlifts from the U.S. no substitute for forces permanently based on European soil. No one pretends, however, that ground forces are anything but a first line of defense for Western Europe?especially now that the Soviets have more troops in Eastern Europe, and closer to the West's defense perimeter, than at any time since 1945. The Czechoslovak experience cast grave doubt on the once-fashionable doctrine of graduated response. Behind the troops must...