Word: fidelity
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...late '50s, Fidel Castro led a guerrilla revolt against the military dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista. At first, his profession of democratic principles won him considerable support among the Cuban middle class and in the United States (though one American ambassador asked Batista if he wanted a CIA or FBI agent sent to assassinate him), even though the core of his army came from the peasantry. But when Castro began to talk about nationalizing industry and collectivizing agriculture, and failed to hold the elections he'd promised, the United States and many Cuban liberals became alarmed. First the United States stopped...
...armed force was only one of a two-edged sword. Economic aid and investment, the other edge, would finance the construction of factories and cities, give birth to stable urban working and middle classes, and thereby reduce the threat to U.S. domination of the country posed by men like Fidel Castro leading rural peasants to power. Representative democracy was the optimal form of government for Latin American nations, but the United States has had few qualms dealing with even the harshest military dictatorships if American hegemony is protected...
...this new form of imperialist repression which has produced urban guerrilla movements. Fidel Castro and Che Guevara fought their battles in the countryside, among and with peasants in predominantly rural Cuba. They established what they called a foco, a zone controlled by the revolutionaries, and expanded that area until the Batista government fled. Action in the cities, strikes and work stoppages, was merely supportive...
Carlos Marighela greatly admired Fidel and Che, but he modified their theory markedly in applying it to Brazil. The growth of industrialism under the gorillas meant that Brazilian cities were naturally far more important as arenas of conflict than were Cuban cities. The situation in Uruguay was even more pronounced: fully one-half of the country's two and one-half million people live in Montevideo, the capital, and any revolutionary scenario would have to take that factor in account...
Last week, the name of William Shockley aroused passions here at Harvard when the Law School Forum, a lecture-sponsoring group with a history of controversial speakers (Fidel Castro, Malcolm X, Mme. Ngo Dinh Nhu), announced that it would hold a debate between Shockley and Roy Innis, national director of the Congress for Racial Equality...