Word: foreign
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Dates: during 1950-1959
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...Question. At week's end the President briefed chairmen and ranking members of Senate and House foreign and military affairs committees, got the sternest questioning of the week. Was it not inconsistent, asked Georgia's sharp-tongued Democrat Carl Vinson, to go ahead with planned manpower cuts in the Army and Marine Corps, given Communist strength in East Germany? Answered Ike: No. The U.S. has enough nuclear and conventional arms on hand...
Asked Senate Foreign Relations Chairman J. William Fulbright: suppose the U.S. sent an armed convoy through, the Communists stalled it by blowing up a bridge? Answer: the U.S. would repair the bridge. Asked Fulbright: "What would we do if they used armed force at that point to prevent us from repairing the bridge?" Said the President: "That is the $64,000 question...
William Fulbright, new chairman of Senate Foreign Relations Committee, endorsed "the principle of considering proposals for thinning out or disengaging." Such disengagement would have to be negotiated in summit sessions with Premier Nikita Khrushchev, thought Fulbright, since Russia's power structure makes him its only decision maker. So Fulbright called for ''summit conferences as a regular thing, maybe twice a year, and approach them without expecting them to settle anything. I always feel squeamish about always saying, 'No, no, no, we don't want to talk,' " said he. "It leaves the impression that...
...slow-steady forward movement of the week was this: in Washington, London, Bonn and Paris, diplomats concerned were now convinced that a Foreign Ministers' conference will be held, probably in Geneva, and that it will begin, if Russia agrees, on May 11. It might last several months, and take up the whole German question ("Agenda isn't important," said one top Briton. "Once people get together, they usually discuss anything they want to"). It would probably fail...
Khrushchev had already made plain that, when things count, his own Foreign Secretary, Andrei Gromyko, is an errand boy. Macmillan, not Selwyn Lloyd, speaks for his government; De Gaulle, not Couve de Murville, decides for France. And the U.S. would have to be represented by an ailing Secretary of State, or a new one. If Big Four talks among such proxies got nowhere, it was generally agreed, there would be a heads-of-government meeting...