Word: francoists
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Dates: during 1970-1979
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...interview earlier this week, Martinez Soler said the terrorists, whom he characterized as Francoist right-wing extremists, beat him, sprayed acid in his face, demanded unsuccessfully that he reveal the sources of a controversial article published in a magazine he edits and threatened to kill his wife if the two failed to emigrate immediately...
...reforming the tax system. Otherwise, the package contained few specifics and appeared to be concerned with upholding the old order. Many Spaniards suspected, for example, that the promised new chamber of the Cortes would do little to reduce the power of the National Council, which is dominated by the Francoist right wing. "I thought the speech would be conservative," declared Socialist Enrique Tierno Galván, "but I didn't think it would be reactionary." Added a high Communist leader: "Nothing has changed. It is the same as before...
...present situation in Spain and in the exiled leftist leadership based in Paris is odd: action on the left is oriented towards political parties, policy statements and programs to form a common front against the Francoist state after Franco. But rank-and-file Spanish laboring men, historically the most radical in the West, have not yet emerged as factors. Thirty-six years of repression and material prosperity have perhaps stemmed the revolutionary tide. Only when Franco dies and Juan Carlos attempts to enact reforms over visceral right-wing opposition will the working class have a chance to act for itself...
...lose by the agreement. The PSOE had previously hoped that several years of illegality for the Communists would give it a chance to make inroads in organizing the working class. The Socialists, in this tactical turnabout, apparently believe that the circle surrounding Juan Carlos will be composed largely of Francoist hard-liners, and that the unity of the left will be necessary to move Spain toward the most basic democratic forms...
...making. The growth of illegal workers' commissions, dominated by party members over the last fifteen years, confirms the trend. These factory-based councils have ties to the PCE but possess limitless autonomy. Laborers set up the commissions to defend their wage-and-hour interests in a way that the Francoist Sindicacio Nacional does not. The councils have no set programs, no dues and no distinctions are made between members and non-members. The activist membership which the commissions channel into the PCE protects the party from bureaucratic rigidity...