Word: fulbrighters
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Dates: during 1950-1959
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Asked Senate Foreign Relations Chairman J. William Fulbright: suppose the U.S. sent an armed convoy through, the Communists stalled it by blowing up a bridge? Answer: the U.S. would repair the bridge. Asked Fulbright: "What would we do if they used armed force at that point to prevent us from repairing the bridge?" Said the President: "That is the $64,000 question...
...William Fulbright, new chairman of Senate Foreign Relations Committee, endorsed "the principle of considering proposals for thinning out or disengaging." Such disengagement would have to be negotiated in summit sessions with Premier Nikita Khrushchev, thought Fulbright, since Russia's power structure makes him its only decision maker. So Fulbright called for ''summit conferences as a regular thing, maybe twice a year, and approach them without expecting them to settle anything. I always feel squeamish about always saying, 'No, no, no, we don't want to talk,' " said he. "It leaves the impression that...
After graduation from Georgetown in '50, Sigmund went to England on a Fulbright, studied for a year at the University of Durham, and "lived in a genuine medieval castle, built by William the Conqueror. It had central heating that worked except for Sundays when they tried to heat the Cathedral, too; and there was a policy of 11 o'clock close-up that meant anyone coming home later had to scale two walls and a dry moat, then climb the castle wall itself. But there were plenty of cracks...
...eloquent oratorical guns at critics who "attack our policy as too rigid and inflexible," and those who sneer at a U.S. foreign policy based on moral principles. Before he had taken his seat, he had crossed swords with such eminent senior Democratic defenders of flexibility as Arkansas' William Fulbright, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, and Montana's Mike Mansfield, assistant majority leader. And he had provoked top-drawer praise from foreign-policy specialists on both sides of the aisle...
...Lives . . . The debate reached its argumentative climax when Foreign Relations Chairman Fulbright rose up to do battle on the point of morality. Dodd's claim that Berlin is a "moral issue," said Fulbright, "means, I take it, that political implications are secondary and that . . . evil is all that is involved. In that case I think there is no hope whatever for any kind of adjustment or compromise, and therefore we must reconcile ourselves to inevitable war ... I should like to proceed on the premise that it is possible to find some adjustment in time...