Word: fulbrighters
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Casualties. Fulbright's proposal for a U.S. retreat in Asia came at a time when Hanoi and Peking have been suffering notable reverses. Allied ground forces have dug out scores of previously impenetrable Viet Cong sanctuaries in South Viet Nam. And week by week, troopship by troopship, the best-trained soldiers America has ever fielded are joining battlewise U.S. combat forces in Viet Nam. Last week Defense Secretary Robert McNamara announced that U.S. forces in Asia would soon total 235,000-an increase of 30,000 in less than a month. In the heaviest raids over the North...
...unlikely to appeal to the aging hierarchy in Peking, which seems more than ever convinced that it needs more rather than less militancy to sustain its own revolutionary mystique at home. In any case, diplomacy is based on the practical possibility of a quid pro quo. The quid in Fulbright's proposal is that the U.S. would eventually pull out its troops. The quo? Peking can offer none, in a direct sense, since it has no Chinese troops stationed in Southeast Asia and thus can claim that it has no divisions to withdraw...
...conclusion that I could vote for cloture." It never came close to cloture; indeed, the vote was never in doubt, for the dissidents formed a minuscule if vocal minority. Despite his stereotyped press label as Capitol Hill's "most influential foreign policy expert," Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Fulbright had little influence on the outcome...
Widened Breach. Morse's addendum, amounting to flat repudiation of a President in time of war, was more than even Fulbright could swallow. And Russell's amendment, though certain to draw at least 80 Senate votes, would have set off another round of conscience-searching, party-splitting argy-bargy among the two score Democrats who have criticized the President in one degree or another. Consequently, Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield decided that he would move to table Morse's amendment, thus cutting off further debate on it, if Russell would forget his motion. Russell agreed...
Next day the move to table Morse's rider was passed by 92 votes to 5. The five votes all came from Democrats: Alaska's Ernest Gruening, Minnesota's Eugene McCarthy, Ohio's Stephen Young, Sponsor Morse and, most notably, Bill Fulbright. With that nay, Fulbright may well have widened irreversibly the breach between himself and Lyndon Johnson. White House Press Secretary Bill Moyers had gone out of his way to emphasize that the President would regard any vote to kill Morse's motion as the equivalent of reconfirming the Tonkin resolution...