Word: gaullists
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...gets its popular name from its address: 37 Quai d'Orsay. On a grey, windy afternoon last week, as barges moved slowly upriver and traffic jams clogged the bridges and boulevards of Paris, Couve sat at his leather-topped, bronze-filigree desk. There had been 90 minutes of Gaullist oratory the day before, and now Couve was leafing through two pink paper folders, fat with world reaction and the interminable word traffic of modern diplomacy. A red slash across the corner of a paper meant an outgoing cable, a green slash an incoming one. From Washington, the French embassy...
...lone-wolf Couve called at the suite of lone-wolf Charles de Gaulle in the small, elegant Hotel Laperousse near the Etoile. He laconically recalls: "We discussed foreign policy a little to see where we stood." Then De Gaulle shook hands with his new Foreign Minister. Of that first Gaullist Cabinet, Couve de Murville is the only man to have remained in the same spot, very likely because he firmly believes France should be run by brilliant technicians administering the policy of a great President and not by a host of wrangling, multiparty politicians...
...national ambitions invariably prevail over ideologies. "No ordeal changes the nature of man," De Gaulle puts it, "and no crisis changes the nature of states." He argues that the interests of the Czechs, Poles, Bulgarians, and even the Russians, are essentially European and therefore common with France. A top Gaullist insists, "When the time for a real détente comes, it is not America that can speak to Eastern Europe. Western Europe can. Look at the Poles! They're still frightened to death of the Germans. But which of the major powers in Europe have recognized the Oder...
...Washington, before a joint session of Congress, Italy's President Antonio Segni ringingly rejected Gaullist notions of a European third force, argued that the Atlantic Alliance "is in fact the reality that holds us together and favors European unification...
...presidency, Defferre's chances of winning do not seem bright. As a Protestant, he is obviously considered suspect by many of the Catholic center. But he can be depended upon to make lively what might have been a dull campaign and to ask questions that trouble even Gaullist Frenchmen, questions about European policy, the independent nuclear deterrent, and, especially, about inflation. "The general bears the entire responsibility for the deterioration of our financial position," Defferre charges. "You can't deny De Gaulle's immense qualities, but he is truly isolating us. He has the taste for drama...