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...Principled Disobedience Re your notebook item on the Israeli air-force pilots who have refused to participate in attacks on Palestinian militants hiding in populated areas of the West Bank and Gaza [Dec. 15]: Israel, in the face of brutal attacks on so many of its most vulnerable citizens, nevertheless remains a vibrant democracy subject to the rule of law and standards of morality. As your article noted, "Israeli law permits soldiers to disobey clearly illegal commands." The Israeli legal and moral systems stand in stark contrast to the policies of the Palestinian leadership, which not only fails to rein...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Letters | 1/12/2004 | See Source »

...your Notebook item on the Israeli Air Force pilots who have refused to participate in attacks on Palestinian militants hiding in populated areas of the West Bank and Gaza [Dec. 15]: Israel, in the face of brutal attacks on so many of its most vulnerable citizens, nevertheless remains a vibrant democracy subject to the rule of law and standards of morality. As your article noted, "Israeli law permits soldiers to disobey clearly illegal commands." The Israeli legal and moral systems stand in stark contrast to the policies of the Palestinian leadership, which not only fails to rein in the terrorists...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Letters: Jan. 12, 2004 | 1/12/2004 | See Source »

...idea seemed reasonable enough. Faced with an onslaught of Palestinian suicide bombers, Israel decided to build a barrier between itself and the West Bank. A similar wall around the Gaza Strip has ensured that no bomber has crossed from Gaza into Israel in the past three years. But the exact placement of the new fence is causing concern. Instead of following the Green Line--the demarcation that existed before Israel conquered the West Bank in 1967 and the line Palestinian leaders imagine as a border for their future state--Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon pushed the fence inside the West...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Walling Off The Peace | 12/22/2003 | See Source »

Regarding Jerusalem, borders and refugees, the accord spells out the kind of bitter compromises that an eventual peace will require. Palestinians would control a demilitarized state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with sovereignty over Arab neighborhoods in East Jerusalem and the Temple Mount, while abandoning the so-called right of return—the option for Palestinian refugees to resettle inside Israel. In the West Bank, Israel would retain settlements containing 75 percent of Jewish settlers in exchange for an equal amount of Israeli land for Palestine. Had the controversies over Jerusalem, borders and settlements been addressed...

Author: By Blake Jennelle, | Title: A Peace by Many Other Names | 12/16/2003 | See Source »

...Arafat’s approval and boosted the political stature of opponents like Beilin, intent on Israeli regime change. Arafat, meanwhile, has qualified his private support with public vacillation, at once praising the plan to U.S. and Israeli ears while insisting to hard-liners in the West Bank and Gaza that he will not compromise on settlements and the right of return. It’s a risk-free opportunity, as Arafat sees it, to destabilize Sharon’s government and boost his own credentials as a friend of peace, without changing his tone among constituents...

Author: By Blake Jennelle, | Title: A Peace by Many Other Names | 12/16/2003 | See Source »

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