Word: germanics
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Dates: during 1950-1959
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...West German." Anderson was aware of the trend when he took office in 1957. In characteristic fashion he quietly set about shifting foreign-aid policies that had been backed by the full prestige of the Truman and Eisenhower Administrations. There were no dramatic sessions; at every opportunity he simply called attention to the problem. Last spring he began inviting Administration leaders to conferences and lectures. At first the State Department was horrified at the prospect of revising foreign-aid policy (and some of its staffers still are), but Anderson found a sympathetic listener in Under Secretary (for Economic Affairs...
...Anderson's essential purpose was to force Western Europe and Japan into providing loans to finance their own exports to underdeveloped countries. He would be happy to see Britain and West Germany set up their own development loan funds with "Buy British" or "Buy West German" strings attached...
Either way, the European allies were hard put to conceal their current mutual distrust. On one side were what De Gaulle called the "Anglo-Saxons."* Britain's idea of its special relationship with the U.S. was keenly resented by De Gaulle and suspected by West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. The British, in turn, saw in the close alliance between Bonn and Paris and in the growing unity of the six Common Market nations a move to isolate Britain from the Continent...
...Bonn, there were other complaints. Foreign Office hands complained that 83-year-old Chancellor Adenauer had taken to shaping foreign policy in secret. Others resented Adenauer's insistence that the alliance with France must be the cornerstone of West Germany's international relations. Many German businessmen and politicians no longer made any bones about their belief that De Gaulle was extracting from Bonn greater political and economic concessions than his friendship was worth-and were convinced that De Gaulle was really not interested in seeing Germany become a great power...
...forces in both the Conservative and Labor parties seem reluctant to leave the safety of the three familiar circles. The old isolation speaks to something basic in British pride. The government's attitude toward Europe still seems to be to procrastinate and to improvise. Britons argue that Franco-German amity is unnatural, that a European movement without Britain is bound to fade once De Gaulle or Adenauer is gone, and that the Common Market structure of the Inner Six may well pass into history under the pressure of events. But despite these complacent prophecies, the evidence indicates that...