Word: gospels
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...Litmus. Red Guard wall posters demanded the ousting of Li, but he refused to budge. Up went posters demanding "Liberate the Southwest!", and last month Red Guards from Peking dutifully streamed into the Szechwan capital of Chengtu to spread the Maoist gospel and rally the peasants against Li. The peasants were not impressed, and in fact attacked the Red Guards, producing rioting and bloodshed. So serious is the trouble, and so vital is Szechwan as a litmus of the Maoist aspirations, reported Radio Moscow, that last week Mao dispatched his No. 2 man, Defense Minister Lin Piao, to the troubled...
...nothing whatever to do with politics," says President General Escrivá. "It is absolutely foreign to any political, economic, ideologic or cultural tendency or group. The only thing it demands of its members is that they lead a Christian life, trying to live up to the ideal of the Gospel...
...years can be seen in several distinct phases. The first big social problem confronting them was slavery, and the resulting North-South split of the denominations. Next came the problem of industrialization, with bitter conflicts between capital and labor that led the churches into preaching the optimistic "Social Gospel" of the early 1900s. But the Depression and World War II were too harsh a reality for many ministers, and they followed Reinhold Niebuhr into acceptance of a Bible-centered "crisis theology." Man's best efforts, Niebuhr reminded Christians, were flawed by sin; God's kingdom...
...unions, university faculties and women's clubs properly influence political decisions, it is a basic rejection of the importance of God himself if the church is to be inactive or silent." The Hebrew prophets as well as the New Testament, believes Blake, give grounds for church involvement. "The gospel is no longer being misunderstood as simply a spiritual affair. The church cannot be merely interested in the salvation of souls. It must be interested in the salvation of men, both souls and bodies...
That is precisely the belief of a new generation of churchmen who are carrying the American activist tradition a step or two further than the Social Gospel. They have learned their lessons from Niebuhr. They are less likely than their spiritual forebears two generations ago to identify any set pattern, such as pacifism or socialism, with the gospel. They are more open to secular allies and more realistic in the uses of power. In city halls and state legislatures, and on Capitol Hill itself, they are turning up to buttonhole, cajole and twist an arm or two, right alongside...