Word: haig
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Until last week, Pérez de Cuéllar's effort had seemed to offer the best chance for peace. The newly elected Secretary-General had first volunteered his services as a mediator on April 30, the day Haig announced the end of his own talks. Pérez de Cuéllar presented each side with a settlement plan based on a ceasefire, mutual troop withdrawals and an interim U.N. administration of the islands while the two nations held direct negotiations over the crucial issue of sovereignty...
...llar picked up where the U.S. had left off, with an agreement in principle from both sides to accept the idea of a cease-fire and a phased withdrawal. Like Haig, however, the Secretary-General ran into a major obstacle: the Argentines' insistence that any agreement must "inexorably" lead to their sovereignty over the islands. When Britain continued to balk at this, Argentina appeared to back off by calling sovereignty an ultimate "objective" rather than a precondition to talks. At the same time, however, the Argentines hardened their position on mutual withdrawal. Meanwhile, the Thatcher government, stung by increasing...
...road to peaceful, settlement from the beginning. On the Argentine side, the military junta's own secretive, authoritarian-leadership style blinded it to international realities and locked it into a position from which retreat was almost impossible. The junta disregarded the blunt warning from Secretary of State Haig that "U.S. friendship would be at risk" if the Argentines attacked. According to Washington analysts, the original decision to invade was made by a handful of top-ranking officers without even consulting the corps commanders who would have to carry on the fighting. Suddenly saddled with a high-risk war, many...
...there much will to compromise on the part of the Thatcher government. During his many visits to 10 Downing Street, Haig watched time and again as Thatcher pounded the table with the palm of her hand, railing against bowing down to aggression and arguing adamantly for a return to the status quo ante. "You must never forget," she would tell her stunned American guests, evoking the specter of pre-World War II appeasement, "that Neville Chamberlain sat at this very table...
Washington's aim was to complete an agreement, reached in principle by Secretary of State Alexander Haig during a trip to Marrakesh last February, that would allow the U.S. to use Moroccan military facilities if troops ever have to be ferried to the Persian Gulf in an emergency. The plan was part of Haig's continuing attempt to forge a "strategic consensus" to contain Communist influence in the Middle East. Hassan was amenable to the idea on the basis of an unwritten agreement, though the U.S. was still hoping to talk him into signing a formal statement...