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Throughout the talks, the escalating violence in the Middle East was on the leaders' minds. Their foreign ministers, meeting concurrently at Montebello, leaned on Haig to get the U.S. to apply more pressure on Israel to halt its air strikes into Lebanon. Reagan's top advisers met in Haig's suite and decided to urge the President to order the indefinite suspension of delivery of ten F-16 fighters that Israel had been promised. Trudeau also publicly criticized "the scale of destruction, particularly in Lebanon." Reagan agreed to delay the airplane deliveries while the fighting continued...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Summit of a Strong Seven | 8/3/1981 | See Source »

...difference in tone between the speeches reinforced a perception in Washington that relations between the two men, once warm colleagues, are strained. That at least is the way their aides perceive it. At the Pentagon, Haig is seen as being overly sympathetic to the Europeans, despite their reluctance to commit sufficient funds to beef up NATO. At the State Department, Weinberger is regarded as clumsy and even downright crude in his approach to military issues that have diplomatic overtones, such as deployment of the neutron bomb and the upgrading of Theater Nuclear Forces in Europe...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Troubles with a Prickly Ally | 7/27/1981 | See Source »

...larger problem, with serious consequences for the formulation of policy, is the unstable truce between the volatile Haig and the White House staff, particularly National Security Adviser Richard Allen. The Secretary's staffers convey the impression that their boss is a man under siege, subject to criticism and sniping that goes well beyond the expectable vying for power between State and the White House. Reagan's top aides insist that Haig has plenty of friends and admirers in the White House, that his counsel is trusted, and that he has won more battles than he has lost...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: Troubles with a Prickly Ally | 7/27/1981 | See Source »

Speaking at the U.N., U.S. Secretary of State Alexander Haig indirectly suggested that economic aid might be forthcoming for Viet Nam if it would pull out its troops. He warned that the U.S. would "continue to question seriously any economic assistance to Viet Nam, from whatever source, as long as Viet Nam continues to squander its scarce resources on aggression." Washington has already succeeded in temporarily blocking $118 million in aid for Viet Nam from...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: United Nations: By Persuasion | 7/27/1981 | See Source »

...complicate matters even further, U.S. policy in Cambodia is rooted in a strategy that extends far beyond Southeast Asia. At the U.N. last week, Haig put the matter bluntly. He told Moscow that as the "financier" of Viet Nam's occupation of Cambodia, the Soviet Union has a "special obligation" to resolve the issue. In the future, improved relations between the Soviet Union and the U.S. may be influenced by Moscow's behavior at conferences on Cambodia as well as in talks about getting out of Afghanistan...

Author: /time Magazine | Title: United Nations: By Persuasion | 7/27/1981 | See Source »

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