Word: hand
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Dates: during 1960-1969
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...morning, I believe that I was emotionally committed. Now it is more than that. I've enlisted." How would she serve? "I really don't know what we might do next. I just can't tell. We are not the sort of people who picket and hand out pamphlets. But I do think we might have some of the people who spoke this morning over to our home. I'd like to have some of our neighbors in to hear them talk...
...stauncher allies in the Far East, the Nationalist Chinese would be aghast, the South Koreans distressed and the Japanese politely uncomfortable; all three nations are eager to see the end, but a hasty retreat would give them cause to worry about the validity of U.S. promises. On the other hand, the U.S. will presumably maintain enough air and sea power in the Pacific, even after a Viet Nam withdrawal, for present diplomatic arrangements with these allies not to be unraveled totally...
...Asia, the Russians would undoubtedly use the U.S. pull-out to build up their own position against the Chinese. They would probably try to extend their influence through economic aid and diplomacy rather than by subsidizing further guerrilla wars. On the other hand, Moscow (or some factions in Moscow) might well be encouraged by American withdrawal to probe for other U.S. weaknesses, as it did when it installed the missiles in Cuba. American will could be quickly put to the test in the Middle East, among other trouble spots...
...Saigon. Nightly, along the city's gaudy Tu Do and Hai Ba Trung streets, G.I.s and South Vietnamese troops swap insults and punches-often over the favors of bar girls. In one such honky-tonk brawl earlier this month, a major in the Vietnamese Rangers chopped off the hand of a U.S. military policeman with a machete. In June, two American military police who had rushed to a bar in response to complaints that a drunken G.I. was making trouble were shot to death by Lieut. Colonel Nguyen Viet Can, commander of the Vietnamese airborne battalion that guards President...
There is, of course, little likelihood that Moscow will allow Czechoslovakia to return to the liberalizing route charted by Dubcek before the Russian invasion of 1968. The oppressive days of Novotny, on the other hand, suddenly do not seem quite so distant. A nationalist at heart, Husak may very well try to steer a middle course, but for the time being the ultraconservatives, backed by the country's Soviet occupiers, are dominant. Late last month, they engineered the firing of 29 liberals and moderates from key posts in the government and party. Last week they claimed a host...